یُسِب بِساریُنیس دزِ جوغاشویلی (به گرجی: იოსებ ბესარიონის ძე ჯუღაშვილი) مشهور به ژوزف اِستالین (به روسی: Иосиф Сталин) (زاده ۱۸ دسامبر ۱۸۷۸ – درگذشته ۵ مارس ۱۹۵۳) و ملقب به مرد پولادین، رهبر و سیاستمدار کمونیست شوروی بود که از اواسط دهه ۲۰ تا مرگش در ۱۹۵۳ رهبر عملی حزب کمونیست اتحاد شوروی و در نتیجه رهبر دو فاکتوی کل این کشور بود.
او در شهر گوری در گرجستان که آن زمان بخشی از امپراتوری روسیه بود به دنیا آمد و در ۱۹۲۲ به مقام دبیرکل حزب کمونیست اتحاد شوروی رسید. پس از مرگ ولادیمیر لنین، استالین موفق شد در مبارزه قدرت در دهه ۲۰ بر لئون تروتسکی پیروز شود و رهبری حزب را در دست گیرد. در دهه ۱۹۳۰ استالین تصفیه کبیر را آغاز کرد که به کمپینی از سرکوب سیاسی، دستگیری و قتل مخالفان معروف است که در ۱۹۳۷ به اوج رسید.
حکومت استالین آثار ماندگار بسیاری داشت که تا پایان دولت شوروی در آن باقیماندند البته مائوئیستها، خوجه ئیستها، آنتی رویزیونیستها و بسیاری دیگر او را آخرین رهبر سوسیالیست واقعی در تاریخ اتحاد شوروی میدانند و عروج خروشچف و استالینزدایی پس از استالین را «رویزیونیسم» میخوانند. استالین مدعی بود که سیاستهایش بر مارکسیسم-لنینیسم بنا شدهاند اما اکنون نظام اقتصادی و سیاسی او را بیشتر استالینیسم میخوانند. (گرچه بعضی از طرفداران استالین با این عنوان مخالفند).
استالین در ۱۹۲۸ سیاست نِپ (Новая экономическая политика, НЭП، سیاستهای نوین اقتصادی) که در دهه ۲۰ جریان داشت را با «برنامههای پنج ساله» و «کشاورزی کلکتیو» تعویض کرد. با این سیاستها و تحت رهبری استالین، اتحاد شوروی تا پایان دهه ۳۰ از کشوری با جمعیت غالب دهقانی به یکی از قدرتهای صنعتی جهان بدل شد.
مصادره گندم و غذاهای دیگر توسط مقامات شوروی به دستور استالین از عوامل قحطی بین سالهای ۱۹۳۲ تا ۱۹۳۴ بود (بخصوص در اکراین، قزاقستان و قفقاز شمالی). بسیاری از دهقانانی که با مصادره و کلکتیویزاسیون مخالفت میکردند با برچسب «کولاک» سرکوب و دستگیر میشدند.
قحطی مصنوعی که توسط استالین در اوکراین ایجاد شد و به هولودومور مشهور است، باعث مرگ تا ۱۰ میلیون اوکراینی شد. استالین رهبر اتحاد شوروی در زمان جنگ جهانی دوم بود و تحت رهبری او این کشور نقشی حیاتی در شکست آلمان نازی در آن جنگ داشت (این جنگ در شوروی با نام جنگ کبیر میهنی شناخته میشود). پس از جنگ، استالین اتحاد شوروی را به عنوان یکی از دو ابرقدرت جهانی مطرح کرد و تقریباً چهار دهه پس از مرگ او در ۱۹۵۳ این موقعیت همچنان برجا بود.
حکومت استالین را بسیاری به «کیش شخصیت پرستی» و شیوههای مخفی حذف مخالفین محکوم میکنند. نیکیتا خروشچف، جانشین استالین، حکومت و کیش شخصیت استالین را در کنگره معروف حزب کمونیست شوروی در ۱۹۵۶ محکوم کرد و پروسه استالینزدایی را آغاز کرد که بعدها به جدایی چین و شوروی انجامید. بسیاری استالین را مسئول مرگ مخالفان حکومت او میدانند و قتل لئون تروتسکی دوست انقلابی لنین و از رهبران انقلاب روسیه و جنبش ضد استالینی نیز توسط یکی از عاملان حکومت او انجام شد.
کودکی و ایام آغازین[ویرایش]
منابع قابل اعتماد راجع به جوانی و کودکی استالین زیاد نیستند. بعضیها نوشتههای دختر استالین، سوتلانا آلیلویوا را معتبرترین منابع میدانند.
او با نام ژوزف ویسارینویچ جوگاشویلی در گوری، گرجستان، امپراتوری روسیه به دنیا آمد. پدر و مادرش به ترتیب ویساریون جوگاشویلی و اکاترینا گلادزه نام داشتند. مادر او هنگام تولد، یک سرف بود. در کودکی او را «سوسو» میخواندند که نام مستعاری گرجی برای «جوزف» است. در ۱۹۱۳ او نام «استالین» (در روسی: مرد پولادین) را برگزید. سه خواهر و برادر استالین در سنین پایین از دنیا رفتند و جوزف عملاً تک فرزند بود. پدرش، ویساریون، خیاط بود و مغازه خود را باز کرد که با ورشکستگی سریع آن مجبور شد به کار کردن در یک کارخانه کفاشی در تفلیس روی آورد.
پدر استالین کمتر به خانواده توجه داشت، مدام مست میکرد و همسرش و پسر کوچکش را کتک میزد. یکی از دوستان کودکی استالین مینویسد: «آن کتک زدنهای بیهوده و ترسناک پسر را به سختی و بی قلبی پدر ساختند.» همین دوست مینویسد که هرگز گریه استالین را ندیدهاست.
اکاترینا، مادر استالین، در خانه مردم کار میکرد و لباس میشست و یکی از مشتریانش یکی از یهودیان گوری به نام دیوید پاپسیمدوف بود. پاپسیمدوف به جوزف (که به همراه مادرش به کمک میرفت) پول و کتاب میداد و مشوق او بود. (دههها بعد پاپسیمدوف به کرملین رفت تا ببیند «سوسو» ی کوچولو به کجا رسیدهاست. استالین نه تنها به گرمی از او استقبال کرد که با لبخند در اماکن عمومی به گفتگو با او میپرداخت)
در ۱۸۸۸ پدر استالین به تفلیس مهاجرت کرد و خانواده را بدون حمایت رها کرد. شایعاتی هست که میگویند او در دعوایی بین مستها کشته شدهاست و بعضیها میگویند تا ۱۹۳۱ هنوز در گرجستان دیده میشدهاست.
جوزف در هشت سالگی و در مدرسه کلیسای گوری تحصیلاتش را آغاز کرد. مثل بقیه کودکان گرجی که مجبور بودند در امپراتوری روسیه آن زمان به مدرسه روسی بروند، او نیز به خاطر لهجه گرجی و ملیتش مورد تمسخر قرار میگرفت. میگویند استالین در این دوره جذب مبارزان کوهستانی گرجستانی که برای استقلال گرجستان میجنگیدند بودهاست. یکی از قهرمانان محبوب او کوهنوردی افسانهای به نام کوبا بود و همین اولین نام انقلابی شد که جوزف بر خود نهاد.
جوزف در کلاس خود، شاگرد اول شد و در ۱۴ سالگی بورسیهٔ مدرسه علوم دینی تفلیس را دریافت کرد و از ۱۸۹۴ مشغول تحصیل در آن جا شد. (یکی از همکلاسیهایش در این دوره، کریکور بدروس آغاجاریان بود). گرچه مادرش همیشه (حتی پس از رسیدن او به رهبری شوروی) میخواست که او کشیش شود ولی علت رفتن او به مدرسه دینی تنها نبود دانشگاه مناسب بود. استالین در این دوره هم کمک تحصیلی دریافت میکرد و هم بابت خواندن در گروه کر، مزد میگرفت.
استالین در همین سالها و در همان مدرسه علوم دینی فعالیتهای چپ خود را آغاز کرد. او به یکی از سازمانهای سوسیال دموکرات گرجستان پیوست و به تبلیغ مارکسیسم پرداخت. نتیجتاً در ۱۸۹۹ از مدرسه دینی اخراج شد. او سپس یک دهه با سازمانهای زیرزمینی سیاسی در قفقاز کار میکرد و از ۱۹۰۲ تا انقلاب روسیه (۱۹۱۷) بارها دستگیر و به سیبری تبعید شد.
استالین در دعواهای حزب سوسیال دموکرات کارگری روسیه طرفدار بحثهای لنین بود و در کنگره پنجم این حزب در ۱۹۰۷ در لندن شرکت کرد. در دوره پس از انقلاب ۱۹۰۵ استالین سردسته گروههایی بود که برای تأمین مالی حزب بلشویک، بانکها را سرقت میکردند. همین کارهای عملی بود که او را در حزب مطرح کرد و در ژانویه ۱۹۱۲ به کمیته مرکزی انتخاب شد.
تنها اثر تئوریک قابل ذکر او در این دوره مطلب بسیار مهمی بود که در زمان تبعیدش در وین نوشت. این مطلب «مارکسیسم و مسئله ملی» نام دارد و تا امروز به عنوان اثر مهمی در مورد مسئله ملی و برخورد مارکسیسم به آن مطرح است و موافقها و مخالفان زیادی دارد. این جزوه احتمالاً از دلایلی بود که پس از انقلاب او را به عنوان کمیسر خلق برای امور ملیتها گماشتند. استالین در این دوره شعر هم میگفت (غالباً به زبان گرجی). بعضی اشعار او در موزه استالین در گوری موجود است.
ازدواجها و خانواده[ویرایش]
همسر اول استالین، اکاترینا سوانیدزه، در ۱۹۰۷ تنها یک سال پس از ازدواج درگذشت. معروف است که استالین در تشیع جنازه او گفته که این موجود قلب سنگی مرا آب کرده بود با مرگ او آخرین احساسات من در مورد انسانیت نیز در وجودم از بین رفت. میگویند استالین اکاترینا را بسیار دوست داشت و در زندگی تنها مایه خشنودی اش بود. آنها با هم فرزند پسری به نام یاکوف جوگاشویلی به دنیا آوردند که بعدها رابطه خوبی با استالین پیدا نکرد.
میگویند سختیهای استالین نسبت به فرزندش تا حدی بود که او به خودکشی روی آورد و به خودش شلیک کرد اما جان سالم به در برد. استالین در مورد این واقعه گفت: «او حتی عرضه این را ندارد که به خودش شلیک کند و مثل یک مرد بمیرد.» یاکوف بعدها در ارتش سرخ خدمت کرد و به دست آلمانها افتاد. آلمانها پیشنهاد دادند که او را با یک ژنرال آلمانی مبادله کنند اما استالین این پیشنهاد را رد کرد. بعضی میگویند او در جواب به این پیشنهاد گفتهاست: «هرگز یک ستوان را به جای یک ژنرال عوض نمیکنم» و بعضی میگویند گفته «من پسر ندارم.» به هرحال یاکوف در اردوی آلمانها کشته شد. میگویند در حال تلاش برای فرار در سیمهای برقی گیر کرد و مرد. با این حال این بر طبق «گزارش رسمی» است و مرگ یاکوف هنوز در هالهای از ابهام است. بعضیها میگویند او دوباره خودکشی کردهاست.
زن دوم او، نادژدا آلیلیوا بود که در ۱۹۳۲ درگذشت. طبق گزارشهای رسمی او بر اثر مریضی درگذشت اما بعضی میگویند پس از دعوایی با استالین، خودکشی کردهاست و یادداشتی خودکشی به جا گذاشته که به روایت دخترشان «نیمی شخصی، نیمی سیاسی» بودهاست. او از استالین دو فرزند داشت. پسری به نام واسیلی و دختری به نام سوتلانا. سوتلانا در سن ۴۱ سالگی در سال ۱۹۶۷ و اوج جنگ سرد به سفارت آمریکا در دهلی پناهنده شد.
واسیلی تا مقامات بالای نیروی هوایی شوروی ترقی کرد و در جنگ جهانی دوم از نیروهای زبده هوایی بود. طبق گزارش رسمی در ۱۹۶۲ بر اثر الکلیسم مرد اما این هم مورد سؤال و تردید قرار گرفتهاست. سوتلانا در ۱۹۶۷ به ایالات متحده مهاجرت کرد.
استوارت کاهان، ژورنالیست آمریکایی، در کتاب خود، «گرگ کرملین»، مدعی شدهاست که استالین مخفیانه زن سومی به نام روزا کاگنوویچ هم داشتهاست. روزا خواهر لازار کاگنوویچ، سیاستمدار شوروی بود. با این حال این ادعا ثابت نشده و بسیاری آن را تکذیب کردهاند. خانواده کاگنوویچ حتی هرگونه ملاقات استالین و رزا را تکذیب کردهاند.
مادر استالین در ۱۹۳۷ درگذشت. استالین حتی در تشیع جنازه شرکت نکرد و به فرستادن گلی بسنده کرد.
در مارس ۲۰۰۱، یکی از شبکههای تلویزیونی روسیه از کشف یکی از نوههای ناشناخته استالین خبر داد که در نووکوزنتسک زندگی میکرد. او یوری دایدوف نام داشت و مدعی شد که پدرش به او در مورد پدربزرگ واقعی اش خبر داده اما به علت کمپین علیه کیش شخصیت استالین، ماجرا مسکوت ماندهاست. الکساندر سولژنیتسن قبلاً مدعی شده بود که استالین با زنی به نام لیدا بودهاست و در ۱۹۱۸ در تبعید در شمال سیبری با او صاحب پسری شدهاست.
عروج به قدرت[ویرایش]
در ۱۹۱۲ استالین در کنفرانس حزبی پراگ شرکت داشت و به کمیته مرکزی بلشویکها انتخاب شد. در ۱۹۱۷ در حالی که لنین و اکثریت رهبری بلشویکها در تبعید بودند، او سردبیر پراودا، روزنامه رسمی حزب، بود. پس از انقلاب فوریه، استالین و هیئت تحریریه به دفاع از دولت موقت کرنسکی برخاستند و میگویند این تا جایی بودهاست که استالین گاه به گاه حاضر به چاپ مقالات لنین در طرفداری از سرنگونی دولت موقت نبودهاست.
در آوریل ۱۹۱۷ استالین سومین رأی بالا را داشت و به کمیته مرکزی انتخاب شد و بعدها در مه ۱۹۱۷ به دفتر سیاسی کمیته مرکزی هم انتخاب شد. این عناوین تا آخر عمر برای او باقیماندند. بنا به گزارشهای بسیاری نقش استالین در روز انقلاب اکتبر، بسیار محدود بود. بعضی نویسندگان دیگر (همچون آدام اولام) ادعا میکنند که هر عضو کمیته مرکزی وظایف مشخصی در آن روز به عهده داشتهاست.
استالین در ۶ نوامبر ۱۹۱۸، سالگرد یک سالگی انقلاب، در پراودا در مورد انقلاب و نقش تروتسکی نوشت: «تمام کار عملی در ارتباط با سازمان دهی قیام زیر فرماندهی مستقیم رفیق تروتسکی، رئیس شورای پتروگراد انجام شد. میتوان با قاطعیت گفت که حزب اساساً و اصولاً برای کشاندن وسیع سربازان به سمت شوروی و شیوه کارآی سازماندهی کمیته انقلابی نظامی، به رفیق تروتسکی مدیون است.» (این قطعه در کتاب «انقلاب اکتبر» از استالین در ۱۹۳۴ منتشر شد اما در مجموعه آثار استالین در ۱۹۴۹ حذف شده بود).
بعدها در ۱۹۲۴، استالین مدعی شد که در روز انقلاب، «مرکز حزب» بوده که تمام کار عملی شورش را «فرماندهی» میکردهاست و این مرکز متشکل از خود او، اسوردلوف، دژیرنسکی، اوریتسکی و بابنوف بودهاست. با این حال هیچ مدرکی برای وجود چنین «مرکز» ی ارائه نشدهاست و اگر هم چنین چیزی بوده قاعدتاً باید تحت فرمان شورای انقلابی نظامی، به فرماندهی تروتسکی، میبودهاست.
او در ضمن از ۱۹۱۹ تا ۱۹۲۲ کمیسر خلق برای بازرسی کارگران و دهقانان، از ۱۹۲۰ تا ۱۹۲۳ عضوی از شورای نظامی انقلابی، و از ۱۹۱۷ به بعد عضو کمیته اجرایی مرکزی کنگره شوراها بود.
کمپین علیه اپوزیسیون راست و چپ[ویرایش]
در ۳ آوریل ۱۹۲۲ استالین به دبیر کلی کمیته مرکزی حزب کمونیست روسیه (بلشویکها) رسید، پستی که بعدها به بالاترین پست کشور بدل شد. بعضی میگویند که او ابتدا از قبول این سمت سرباز زده و تحت اصرار آن را قبول کردهاست. در آن زمان دبیر کلی سمت مهمی تلقی نمیشد اما پتانسیل خوبی برای استالین فراهم کرد تا حزب را پر از طرفداران خود کند.
محبوبیت استالین در حزب بلشویک به کسب قدرت سیاسی بسیاری توسط او انجامید. این باعث تعجب لنین در حال احتضار شد که در آخرین نوشتههایش خواهان برکناری استالین «بینزاکت» شد. اعتبار این سند در کنگره حزب به رأی گذشته شد و کنگره به اتفاق آرا به عدم اعتبار آن رأی داد. پس از مرگ لنین در ژانویه ۱۹۲۴ استالین به همراه کامنف و زینوویف به رهبری عملی حزب پرداختند. آنها از نظر ایدئولوژیکی بین تروتسکی در چپ و بوخارین در راست بودند. در این دوره استالین تأکید سنتی بلشویکها بر انقلاب جهانی را کنار گذاشت و به جای آن به سیاست «سوسیالیسم در یک کشور» روی آورد که در تضاد با تئوری انقلاب مداوم تروتسکی بود.
در نبرد برای رهبری، یک لازمه از پیش مشخص بود. وفاداری به لنین. استالین تشیع جنازه لنین را سازمان داد و در سخنرانی خود تقریباً با عناوین مذهبی از لنین ستایش کرد و وفاداری نامیرایش را به او ابراز کرد. تروتسکی در آن زمان مریض بود و میگویند استالین در مورد تاریخ تشیع جنازه به او دروغ گفته تا او نتواند حاضر باشد. نهایتاً با این که تروتسکی در روزهای اول رژیم شوروی، نزدیکترین فرد به لنین بود، مبارزه را به استالین باخت. استالین از این واقعیت که تروتسکی درست قبل از انقلاب به بلشویکها پیوسته بود به نحو احسن استفاده کرد و توجه عموم را به اختلافات پیش از انقلاب بین تروتسکی و لنین جلب کرد. یکی از سایر دلایل قدرتگیری استالین این واقعیت بود که تروتسکی با انتشار وصیتنامه لنین مخالفت کرد. در این وصیتنامه لنین به ضعفها و قدرتهای استالین و تروتسکی و سایرین پرداخته بود و پیشنهاد کرده بود که پس از او، گروهی کوچک به رهبری حزب گماشته شوند.
یکی از جنبههای مهم قدرتگیری استالین شیوهای بود که او بین رقبایش اختلاف ایجاد میکرد. او ابتدا با زیوونیف و کامنف ترویکاًیی علیه تروتسکی تشکیل داد. وقتی تروتسکی کنار زده شد، استالین با بوخارین و رایکوف علیه زیوونیف و کامنف متحد شد (در اینجا او بر رأی آنها علیه قیام در ۱۹۱۷ تأکید کرد). زیوونیف و کامنف سپس به بیوه لنین، کروپسکایا، روی آوردند و در ژولای ۱۹۲۶ اپوزیسیون متحد را تشکیل دادند. در ۱۹۲۷، در پانزدهمین کنگره حزب، تروتسکی و زیوونیف از حزب اخراج شدند و کامنف کرسیاش در کمیته مرکزی را از دست داد. استالین سپس به حساب «اپوزیسیون راست» و متحدان سابقش، بوخارین و رایکوف رسید.
استالین محبوبیت خود را مدیون معرفی خودش به عنوان «مرد خلق» از طبقات فقیر بود. مردم روسیه از جنگ جهانی و جنگ داخلی خسته بودند و سیاست استالین در تمرکز بر ساختمان «سوسیالیسم در یک کشور» پیغام ضدجنگی مثبتی در خود داشت. وی بعدها با ممنوع کردن ایجاد فراکسیون، نفع بسیاری برد زیرا عملاً دیگر کسی نمیتوانست با سیاستهای رهبر حزب مخالفت کند. تا سال ۱۹۲۸ (سال اول از برنامههای پنج ساله) استالین بین رهبری، از همه بالاتر بود و سال بعد تروتسکی به جرم مخالفت، تبعید شد. استالین سپس از شر اپوزیسیون راست بوخارین هم خلاص شد و با دفاع از کلکتیویزاسیون و صنعتی سازی، کنترل خود بر حزب و کشور را کامل کرد. با این حال محبوبیت سایر سران شوروی همچون سرگئی کیروف و ماجرای ریوتین ثابت کرد که استالین هنوز قدرت کامل را به دست نیاوردهاست و این تا تصفیه کبیر در سالهای ۱۹۳۶ تا ۱۹۳۸ طول کشید.
فعالیتهای جاسوسی و پلیس مخفی استالین[ویرایش]
استالین در ضمن فعالیتهای بینالمللی پلیس مخفی و اطلاعات خارجی را افزایش داد. تحت رهبری او بود که شبکههای اطلاعات در اکثر کشورهای مهم دنیا تأسیس شدند: آلمان (حلقه جاسوسی معروف روته کاپله)، بریتانیای کبیر، فرانسه، ژاپن و آمریکا. استالین فرقی بین جاسوسی، پروپاگاندای سیاسی کمونیستی، و خشونت دولتی نمیدید و تمام اینها را به ان.ک.و. د (کمیساریای خلق برای مسائل داخلی) سپرد. استالین در ضمن از جنبش بینالملل سوم هم برای این اهداف استفاده میکرد و همیشه اطمینان کسب میکرد که احزاب کمونیست خارجی پیرو شوروی و استالین باقی بمانند.
استالین و تغییرات جامعه شوروی[ویرایش]
جنگ داخلی روسیه و «کمونیسم جنگی» تأثیر مخربی بر اقتصاد کشور داشت. بازده صنعتی در ۱۹۲۲ سیزده درصد ۱۹۱۴ بود. طرح نپ (سیاست نوین اقتصادی) وضع را بهتر کرد. تحت رهبری استالین این طرح در اواخر دهه ۲۰ با نظامی از «برنامههای پنج ساله» تعویض شد. این برنامهها، برنامههایی بسیار جاه طلبانه برای صنعتیسازی دولتی و اشتراکیسازی کشاورزی بودند. با تجارت بینالمللی محدود و عدم وجود هرگونه بنیاد مدرن، دولت استالین هزینه صنعتیسازی را با اعمال محدودیت بر شهروندان شوروی و با گرفتن ثروت کولاکها تأمین میکرد.
در ۱۹۳۳ درآمد واقعی کارگران به یک دهم سال ۱۹۲۶ رسید. در ضمن کار بدون مزد در اردوگاههای کار اجباری و کمپینهای «بسیج» کار کمونیستها و اعضای کومسومول برای پروژههای مختلف ساختمانی برپا بود. اتحاد شوروی در ضمن از متخصصان خارجی هم استفاده میکرد برای مثال مهندس بریتانیایی، استفن آدامز، که در توصیه به کارگران و پیشرفت روند ساخت کمک میکرد. با وجود شکستهای اولیه دو برنامه پنج سالهٔ اول از پایه بسیار پایین اقتصادی به صنعتیسازی بسیار سریعی رسیدند. گرچه تمام تاریخ دانان موافقند که اتحاد شوروی در زمان استالین به رشد خیرهکننده اقتصادی رسیدهاست، نرخ دقیق این رشد مورد اختلاف است.
تخمینهای رسمی شوروی حدود ۱۳٫۹ درصد است، تخمینهای روسی و غربی حدود ۵٫۸ درصد و حتی ۲٫۹ درصد. حتی یکی از تخمینها میگوید که رشد شوروی پس از مرگ استالین بیشتر بودهاست.
رژیم استالین به اشتراکیسازی اجباری در کشاورزی پرداخت. هدف این امر افزایش بازده کشاورزی از مزارع بزرگ و مکانیزه بود؛ و در ضمن اعمال کنترل سیاسی بیشتر روی دهقانان و کارآ ساختن روند جمعآوری مالیات. اشتراکیسازی به معنای تغییرات عظیم اجتماعی بود که از لغو نظام سرفی در ۱۸۶۱ به این طرف دیده نشده بود. اشتراکیسازی در ضمن به معنای سقوط سطح زندگی بسیاری از دهقانان بود و باعث واکنش خشونتآمیز بعضی از آنها شد.
در سالهای اول کشاورزی تخمین زده شده بود که تولید صنعتی و کشاورزی به ترتیب ۲۰۰ درصد و ۵۰ درصد رشد میکند اما تولید کشاورزی در حقیقت سقوط کرد. استالین تقصیر این سقوط را به گردن کولاکها (دهقانان ثروتمند) انداخت که با اشتراکیسازی مخالفت میکردند. (کولاکها تنها ۴ درصد جمعیت دهقانان را تشکیل میدادند) از همین رو هر کسی که با برچسب «کولاک»، «حامی کولاک» یا «کولاک سابق» دستگیر میشد یا به قتل میرسید یا به اردوگاههای کار اجباری گولاگ میرفت یا به مناطق دور کشور تبعید میشد.
در سالهای قحطی ۱۹۲۲ و ۱۹۲۳ در اکراین و منطقه کوبان، این تنها «کولاک»ها نبودند که به قتل میرسیدند و زندانی میشدند. کتابهای مختلف و از جمله کتاب جنجالی «کتاب سیاه کمونیسم» بر نقش مقامات شوروی در گسترش قحطی و مرگ و میر مردم در این منطقه تأکید داشتهاند. با این حال قحطی بر بخشهای دیگر هم اثر داشت و بعضی منابع تلفات آن را بین پنج تا ده میلیون بیان میکنند. مقامات شوروی و بعضی تاریخ نویسان مدعی هستند که اقدامات خشن و اشتراکیسازی سریع کشاورزی برای صنعتیسازی سریع شوروی و نهایتاً پیروزی در جنگ جهانی دوم، ضروری بود. تاریخ نویسان دیگری همچون آلک نووه، مدعی هستند که کشاورزی کلکتیو بیشتر به ضرر صنعتی شدن شوروی بوده تا به نفع آن.
علوم در اتحاد شوروی همچون هنر و ادبیات تحت کنترل شدید بود. در علوم «امن از نظر ایدئولوژیک» با توجه به تحصیلات رایگان و تحقیقات دولتی، پیشرفت بسیاری دیده میشد اما فشار ایدئولوژیک پیامدهای متأسفکنندهای هم داشت. مثلاً ژنتیک و سایبرنتیک به عنوان «شبه علم بورژوایی» محکوم میشدند. در اواخر دهه ۱۹۴۰ تلاشهایی برای سرکوب نسبیت خاص و نسبیت عام و مکانیک کوانتوم به جرم «ایدئالیسم» بود. اما دانشمندان شوروی اعلام کردند که بدون استفاده از این تئوریها قادر به ساختن بمب اتم نخواهند بود.
تنها بخش علمی که استالین شخصاً در آن فعالیت داشت، زبانشناسی بود. در ابتدای حکومت استالین، چهره اصلی زبانشناسی در شوروی، نیکولای یاکوولویچ مار بود که مدعی بود زبان ساختاری طبقاتی دارد و ساختار زبان توسط ساختار اقتصادی جامعه تعیین میشود. استالین که قبلاً به عنوان کمیسر خلق برای امور ملل در مورد سیاست زبان نوشته بود، با این فورمالیسم ساده مارکسیستی مخالفت کرد و این پایانی بر نفوذ ایدئولوژیک مار بر زبانشناسی در شوروی بود. اثر اصلی استالین در مورد زبانشناسی مقاله کوتاهی با عنوان «مارکسیسم و مسائل زبانشناسی» است. گرچه استالین درافزوده یا درخشش خاصی در زبانشناسی نشان نداد اما ایراد مشخصی هم در فهم مسائل زبانشناسی نداشت. حتی میتوان گفت که نفوذ او عملاً زبانشناسی شوروی را از دست ایدئولوژی بازی نجات داد.
تحقیقات علمی با وجود حضور عملی بسیاری از دانشمندان در اردوگاههای کار اجباری، کند شده بود. (برای مثال لو لاندائو که در سالهای ۳۸ و ۳۹ در زندان بود و بعدها برنده جایزه نوبل شد). بعضی از دانشمندان هم اعدام میشدند (مانند لو شوبنیکوف در ۱۹۳۷). با این حال علوم و تکنولوژی در زمان استالین در بعضی زمینهها رشد بسیاری داشتند. این پایهای برای دستاوردهای معروف علمی شوروی در دهه ۵۰ بود. مثلاً ساخت کامپیوترهای بزرگ ب اٍ اس ام ۱ (БЭСМ) در ۱۹۵۳ یا برپایی اسپوتنیک ۱ در ۱۹۵۷. در واقع بسیاری از سیاستمداران در ایالات متحده پس از «بحران اسپوتنیک» نگران بودند که در علم و تحصیلات عمومی از شوروی عقب مانده باشند.
مردم شوروی در زمان استالین به درجهای از لیبرالیزاسیون اجتماعی رسیدند که زنان نیز تحصیلات کافی و مساوی و حقوق برابر هنگام کار داشتند. در ضمن پیشرفتهای پزشکی زمان استالین طول عمر متوسط شهروندان شوروی و کیفیت زندگی آنان را بسیار افزایش داد. سیاستهای استالین حق تحصیلات و دسترسی به پزشکی رایگان را بهطور وسیع در اختیار مردم قرار داد و عملاً اولین نسل رها از ترس تیفوس و مالاریا را به وجود آورد. این مریضیها شدیداً کاهش داده شدند و طول عمر متوسط تا چند دهه افزایش یافت.
در زمان استالین در ضمن برای اولین بار زنان میتوانستند بچهها را در فضای امن بیمارستان به دنیا بیاورند. نسلی که در زمان استالین متولد میشد، اولین نسلی بود که تقریباً تماماً باسواد بود. مهندسان برای آموزش تکنولوژی صنعتی به خارج فرستاده میشدند و صدها مهندس خارجی با قرارداد به روسیه میآمدند. راههای حمل و نقل پیشرفت یافت و راهآهنهای جدید بسیاری ساخته شد. کارگرانی که بیشتر از حد مقررشان تولید میکردند، استاخانویستها، پاداشهای ویژهٔ بسیاری دریافت میکردند و در نتیجه میتوانستند کالاهایی را بخرند که اقتصاد در حال رشد شوروی فراهم میکرد. با وجود صنعتیسازی و تلفات عظیم انسانی در جنگ جهانی دوم و سرکوبها، نسل زمان استالین شاهد رشد موقعیتهای شغلی، بخصوص برای زنان، بود.
مذهب و فرهنگ و هنر[ویرایش]
در زمان استالین سبک هنری «رئالیسم سوسیالیستی» در نقاشی، مجسمهسازی، موسیقی، نمایشنامه نویسی و ادبیات تثبیت شد. بسیاری از سبکهای «انقلابی» پیشین مانند اکسپرسیونیسم، انتزاعی و تجربه گرایی آوانگارد به عنوان «فرمالیسم» طرد شدند. بسیاری از شخصیتهای مشهور هنری سرکوب و در بعضی مواقع دستگیر، شکنجه و اعدام شدند. کسانی چون ایزاک بابل و وسولد مایرهولد و اسیپ ماندلشتام از این سری هستند.
شخصیتهای جدیدی چون آرکادی گایدار، نویسنده کودکان، پیشرفت کردند و محبوب شدند و از روسیه پیشا انقلابی کسانی چون کنستانتین استانیسلاوسکی مطرح شدند. بعضی از هنرمندان مهاجر سابق به اتحاد شوروی بازگشتند. از جمله الکسی تولستوی در ۱۹۲۵، الکساندر کوپرین در ۱۹۳۶، و الکساندر ورتینسکی در ۱۹۴۳.
شاعر معروف روس، آنا آخماتووا، زیر فشار و سرکوب بود اما هرگز دستگیر نشد. شوهر اولش، نیکولای گومیلیف (شاعر و نظامی)، در ۱۹۲۱ تیرباران شد و پسرش، لف گومیلیف (تاریخدان)، دو دهه در گولاگی اسیر بود.[نیازمند منبع]
این که استالین شخصاً چقدر درگیر مسائل بودهاست مورد بحث است اما مسلماً او در مسائل فرهنگی هم مثل بقیه چیزها اظهار نظر میکرد و در بسیاری از موارد حکم آخر، حرف او بود.
مثل بقیه زندگی استالین موارد عجیب و غریب شخصی نیز موجود هستند. مثلاً میخائیل بولگاکوف، نویسنده و نمایشنامهنویس معروف، همواره سرکوب شده بود و کارش حتی به فقر کشیده بود اما پس از درخواستی شخصی از استالین به او مجدداً اجازه کار داده شد. نمایشنامهاش، روزهای توربینها، که قهرمانانش خانوادهای آنتی بلشویک بودند که در جنگ داخلی دستگیرشده بودند، نهایتاً روی صحنه رفت و یک دهه بدون وقفه در تئاتر هنرهای مسکو اجرا شد.
میگویند رمان مورد علاقه استالین «فرعون» اثر نویسنده لهستانی، بولسلاو پروس بودهاست. این رمانی تاریخی در مورد مکانیسمهای قدرت سیاسی است. بعضیها به شباهتهای این رمان و فیلمی که آیزنشتاین ساخت (ایوان مخوف) اشاره کردهاند.
نقش استالین در رابطه با کلیسای ارتدوکس روسیه مورد اختلاف و پیچیدهاست. سرکوب مداوم در دهه ۳۰ کار را تقریباً به انحلال کلیسا رسانده بود. تا ۱۹۳۹ تعداد کلیساهای فعال (که در ۱۹۱۷ حدود ۵۴۰۰۰ بود) به چند صد عدد کاهش یافته بود و دهها هزار کشیش و راهبه دستگیرشده بودند. اما در جنگ جهانی دوم از کلیسا به عنوان سازمانی میهن پرستانه احیا شد. کلیساها مجدداً در زمان خروشچف سرکوب شدند. پذیرش دولت شوروی و شخص استالین توسط کلیسای ارتدوکس روسیه باعث اختلاف و انشعاب این کلیسا از کلیسای ارتدوکس خارج از این کشور شد که تا امروز نیز پابرجاست.
مذاهب دیگر در اتحاد شوروی همچون کلیسای کاتولیک رومی، باپتیستها، اسلام، بودیسم، یهودیت و غیره نیز دچار مشکلات و سرکوبهای مشابهی بودند. هزاران راهب و فرد مذهبی دستگیر شدند و صدها کلیسا، کنیسه، مسجد، معبد، و سایر اماکن مذهبی تخریب شدند.
تصفیه و تبعید[ویرایش]
استالین به عنوان صدر دفتر سیاسی در اواسط دهه ۳۰ با «تصفیه کبیر» در حزب تقریباً تمام قدرت را در دست خود گرفت. او این کار را به عنوان تلاش برای اخراج اپورتونیستها و ضد انقلابیون توجیه میکرد. قربانیان تصفیه معمولاً از حزب اخراج میشدند اما مجازاتهای بیشتری از اردوگاههای کار اجباری و گولاگ تا محاکمه توسط ان.ک.و. د و اعدام انتظار بسیاری را میکشید.
دوره اصلی تصفیه پس از قتل سرگئی کیروف، رهبر محبوب حزب در لنینگراد آغاز شد. کیروف بسیار نزدیک به استالین بود و قتل او حزب بلشویک را تکان داد. استالین، که میگویند میترسید خود او قربانی بعدی باشد، شروع به محکم کردن امنیت کرد و مخالفان خود را به «جاسوسی» و «ضدانقلابی» متهم کرد.
محاکمههای اصلی که به ریاست آندره ویشینسکی برگزار میشد، به «محاکمههای مسکو» معروف شدند، اما محاکمههای مشابهی در تمام کشور برگزار شد. چهار محاکمه در این مدت از اهمیت خاصی برخوردار است. محاکمه شانزده نفر (اوت ۱۹۳۶)، محاکمه هفده نفر (ژانویه ۱۹۳۷)، محاکمه مارشال توخاچفسکی و سایر ژنرالهای ارتش سرخ (ژوئن ۱۹۳۷) و نهایتاً محاکمه ۲۱ نفر (منجمله بوخارین) در مارس ۱۹۳۸.
یکی از نمونههای مهم محاکمه توخاچاوسکی به عنوان همکاری با نازیها بود. بعضی معتقدند محاکمه بسیاری از مهمترین رهبران نظامی بعدها در جنگ جهانی دوم و اشغال روسیه توسط آلمان نقشی منفی داشت.
سرکوب بسیاری از انقلابیون و اعضای برجسته حزب باعث شد که لئون تروتسکی اعلام کند رژیم استالین با «رودخانهای از خون» از رژیم لنین جدا است. کسانی مثل سولژنیتسن معتقدند که استالین عقاید خود را از لنین و اعمالی مثل اعدام مخالفان سیاسی در جنگ داخلی روسیه گرفتهاست. قتل تروتسکی در اوت ۱۹۴۰ در مکزیک (جایی که او از ژانویه ۱۹۳۷ در تبعید زیسته بود) آخرین و مشهورترین مخالف استالین در رهبری قدیمی حزب را نیز از جای برداشت. حالا تنها سه نفر از «بلشویکهای قدیمی» (دفتر سیاسی زمان لنین) به جا مانده بودند. خود استالین، میخائیل کالینین، و مولوتوف. [نیازمند منبع]
دوران تصفیه مختص به مقامات حزبی نبود و بسیاری به جرم «فعالیت ضد شوروی» و به عنوان «دشمن خلق» دستگیر و محاکمه میشدند. در اواخر تصفیه. دفتر سیاسی نیکولای یژوف، رئیس وقت ان.ک.و. د را برکنار و بعدها اعدام کرد. بعضی تاریخ دانان همچون امی نایت و رابرت کانکوئست معتقدند که این عمل از سوی استالین و برای پاک کردن جرم از نام خود بودهاست. ضمن تصفیه تلاشهای بسیاری برای عوض کردن تاریخ در کتابهای درسی شوروی و منابع تبلیغی بود. بسیاری از قربانیان اعدامی از کتابها و عکسها بیرون گذاشته میشدند که گویی هرگز وجود نداشتهاند. نهایتاً تاریخ انقلاب به گونهای روایت میشد که گویی تنها دو شخصیت داشتهاست. لنین و استالین.
استالین، بخصوص در زمان جنگ جهانی دوم، دست به تبعیدهای جمعی بزرگی زد که نقشه قومی اتحاد شوروی را عوض کردند. بیش از یک و نیم میلیون نفر به سیبری و جمهوریهای آسیای مرکزی تبعید شدند. دلایل رسمی تبعید جدایی طلبی، مقاومت در مقابل دولت شوروی و همکاری با آلمانیهای اشغال گر عنوان میشدند.
گروههای قومی ذیل بیشتر از همه قربانی این تبعیدها شدند: اکراینیها، لهستانیها، کرهایها، آلمانیهای ولگا، تاتارهای کریمه، کالمیکها، چچنیها، بالکارها، کاراچایاها، ترکهای مشکیتی، فنلاندیها، بلغاریها، یونانیها، ارمنیها، لاتویاییها، لیتوانیاییها، استونیاییها و یهودیها. بسیاری از کولاکها نیز به سیبری و آسیای مرکزی تبعید شدند.
در فوریه ۱۹۵۶ نیکیتا خروشچف به محکومیت این تبعیدها پرداخت و آنها را در مخالفت با اصول لنینیستی خواند و اکثر آنها را به جای خود بازگرداند. اهمیت تاریخی این تبعیدهای دسته جمعی بسیار است و همین امروز نیز اهمیت خاصی برای جنبشهای جدایی طلب در دولتهای بالکان، تاتارستان، و چچن دارد.
تعداد قربانیان رویدادهایی که در بالا توضیح داده شد مورد اختلاف بسیار است. در زمان جنگ سرد بسیاری رقم کشته شدگان را تا حدی خیالی مانند ۶۰ میلیون بالا میبردند. با سقوط اتحاد شوروی در ۱۹۹۱ بایگانی اسناد شوروی بالاخره در اختیار عموم قرار گرفت و ارقام متفاوتی انتشار یافت. در این ارقام صحبت از ۸۰۰ هزار اعدامی (سیاسی و غیر سیاسی) در زمان استالین بود که با قربانیان عملی کلکتیویزاسیون و تبعید گولاگها و غیره به ۳ میلیون نفر میرسید.
بههرحال هنوز اختلافات بسیاری در این زمینه موجود است و خط عمومی این است که «رقم دقیقی نمیشود داد». اینجا به تخمینهای مختلف اشاره میشود.
نویسنده روسی، وادیم ارلیکمان، از کسانی است که کل کشته شدگان را حدود ۹ میلیون نفر میداند. ۱٫۵ میلیون نفر اعدام، ۵ میلیون قربانی گولاگ، ۱٫۷ میلیون قربانی تبعید دسته جمعی (از مجموع ۷٫۵ میلیون تبعیدی)، و ۱ میلیون سایر. رابرت کانکوئیست تعداد کل قربانیان را ابتدا ۳۰ میلیون میدانست و بعدها ۲۰ میلیون اعلام کرد.
طرفداران استالین نظرات متفاوتی در زمینه تعداد کشتهها و همچنین روند عملی محاکمهها و تاریخ تصفیه کبیر دارند.
جنگ جهانی دوم[ویرایش]
پس از بینتیجه ماندن مذاکرات شوروی با بریتانیا و فرانسه در مسکو بر سر معاهدهای دفاعی، استالین به هیتلر روی آورد و با او پیمانی امضا کرد. او در ۱۹ اوت ۱۹۳۹ در سخنرانی معروفی رفقایش را آماده این چرخش بزرگ در سیاست شوروی کرد و نهایتاً قرارداد مولوتوف-ریبن تروپ با آلمان نازی امضا شد. ویکتور سووروف، نویسنده جنجالی روسی ساکن انگلستان، مدعی است که استالین در این سخنرانی اعلام کرده که جنگ بهترین موقعیت است که هم دولتهای غربی و هم آلمان نازی تضعیف شوند و آلمان آماده «شورویزه» شدن میشود. سندی بر این ادعا در دست نیست.
با این که معاهده مولوتوف-ریبن تروپ رسماً تنها قول عدم اشغال مقابل بود اما بندی مخفی نیز در آن موجود بود که بر طبق آن اروپای مرکزی به دو منطقه کنترل بین دو قدرت تقسیم میشد. قرار بود که اتحاد شوروی بخش شرقی لهستان (که عموماً اکراینیها و بلاروسها در آن زندگی میکردند) و لیتوانی و لاتویا و استونی و فنلاند را در اختیار گیرد. بند مخفی دیگر در مورد بساربیا، بخشی از رومانی، بود که قرار بود به شوروی اضافه شود.
در ۱ سپتامبر ۱۹۳۹ آلمان با اشغال لهستان جنگ جهانی دوم را آغاز کرد. بدین ترتیب استالین تصمیم به دخالت گرفت و در ۱۷ سپتامبر ارتش سرخ شرق لهستان و دولتهای بالتیک را اشغال کرد.
در نوامبر ۱۹۳۹ استالین نیروها را به مرز فنلاند فرستاد تا جنگی راه بیندازد. جنگ زمستانی بین اتحاد شوروی و فنلاند سختتر از آنچه استالین فکر میکرد از آب درآمد و شوروی تلفات زیادی داد. شوروی در مارس ۱۹۴۰ نهایتاً پیروز شد اما مشکلات و محدودیتهای ارتش شوروی به بقیه دنیا و خصوصاً آلمان لو رفته بود.
در ۵ مارس ۱۹۴۰ رهبری شوروی حکم به اعدام بیش از ۲۵٬۷۰۰ فعال «ناسیونالیست و ضدانقلابی» لهستانی در بخشهایی از جمهوریهای اکراین و بلاروس (که از خاک لهستان به شوروی اضافه شده بودند) داد. این به عنوان کشتار کاتین مشهور است.
در ژوئن ۱۹۴۱ هیتلر معاهده مولوتوف-ریبن تروپ را نقض کرد و در عملیات بارباروسا بخشی از خاک اتحاد شوروی را اشغال کرد. استالین گرچه جنگ با آلمان را محتمل میدانست اما آماده اشغالی به این سرعت نبود. ویکتور سووروف در این زمینه نیز نظری متفاوت دارد. او مدعی است که استالین از اواخر دهه ۱۹۳۰ آماده شده بود و خود تصمیم داشت در تابستان ۱۹۴۱ آلمان را اشغال کند. از این رو سووروف معتقد است حمله هیتلر به نوعی «اقدام پیشگیرانه» بودهاست. این تئوری مورد قبول ایگور بونیچ، میخائیل ملتویکوف، و ادوارد رادزینسکی بودهاست اما اکثر تاریخ دانان غربی با آن مخالفند.
اما هیتلر هیچگاه در نظر نداشت به پیمان عدم تجاوز متعهد بماند، چون روسیه را مکانی برای کشور گشایی آلمان میدانست.
همچنین به محصولات کشاورزی و منابع سوخت روسیه نیاز داشت. هیتلر در سرتاسر جنگ منابع را از سرزمینهایی به دست میآورد که فتح کرده بود.
ژنرال فدر فون بک در خاطراتش میگوید که ارتش آلمان (آب ور) کاملاً آماده حمله شوروی علیه نیروهای آلمان در لهستان بودهاست و این حمله را تا حداکثر ۱۹۴۲ انتظار میکشیدهاست. نبرد مرگبار با فاشیسم زندگی ۲۷ میلیون از مردم شوروی را بلعید.
نزدیک به نیم قرن است که داستانها و افسانههایی دربارهٔ سازهای مرموز با نام " ساختمان ویژه شماره ۱" به گوش میخورد. در این رابطه حرفهایی از وجود یک کاخ زیرزمینی، چندین آزمایشگاه، تونلها و اتاقهای مخفی به میان میآید. در نهایت راز این بنای مخفی در زیر خاک، پس از فروپاشی اتحاد جماهیر شوروی افشا شد. این ساختمان، پناهگاه رهبر شوروی "ژوزف استالین" بود که در شهر "ساماراً در عمق ۳۷ متری خاک بنا شده بود. اکنون این پناهگاه برای بازدید عموم آزاد است.
استالین در روز پنج مارس ۱۹۵۳ از دنیا رفت که منجر به بروز بحران در دفتر حزب سیاسی و در نهایت به قدرت رسیدن نیکیتا خروشچف شد. دلیل مرگ استالین پس از ۶۰ سال در گزارش ۱۱ صفحهای کالبدشکافی استالین اعلام شد که در این گزارش گفته شده، رهبر شوروی سابق به مرگ طبیعی و بر اثر خفگی در اثر سکته مغزی مردهاست. گزارش مرگ وی تا تاریخ مارس ۲۰۱۳ در صندوقخانه آرشیو دولتی تاریخ اجتماعی و سیاسی روسیه نگهداری میشدهاست و طبق این گزارش، استالین بر اثر مرگ طبیعی از دنیا رفتهاست. در این گزارش، آمده که سکتهای که منجر به مرگ وی شده بود در روز یک مارس ۱۹۵۳ رخ داده بودهاست و وی در شب قبل از سکته مواد الکلی مصرف کردهاست. کالبدشکافی بر روی جسد رهبر شوروی سابق، یک روز پس از مرگ وی انجام شد. بر اساس این گزارش، استالین که ۷۴ سال داشت، از فشار خون بسیار و تصلب سرخرگها در مغز و قلب رنج میبرد و کبد وی بقدری چرب بود که در مرز سیروز قرار داشت. سکته در سمت چپ مغز استالین به همراه خونریزی معده باعث خفگی وی شده بود. روایتهایی متفاوت از کشته شدن استالین به دست پسرش، نیکلای خروشچف، یا محافظ شخصی اش نیز وجود دارد.
پیوند به بیرون[ویرایش]
در پروژههای خواهر میتوانید در مورد ژوزف استالین اطلاعات بیشتری بیابید.
در میان کتابها از ویکیکتاب
در میان گفتاوردها از ویکیگفتاورد
در میان متون از ویکینبشته
در میان تصویرها و رسانهها از ویکیانبار
در میان خبرها از ویکیخبر
Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin[b] (born Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili;[a] 18 December [O.S. 6] 1878 – 5 March 1953) was a Georgian revolutionary and Soviet politician who led the Soviet Union from the mid–1920s until 1953 as General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (1922–1952) and Premier (1941–1953). Initially presiding over a collective leadership as first among equals, by the 1930s he was the country's de facto dictator. A communist ideologically committed to the Leninist interpretation of Marxism, Stalin formalised these ideas as Marxism–Leninism, while his own policies are known as Stalinism.
Born to a poor family in Gori in the Russian Empire (now Georgia), Stalin joined the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party as a youth. He edited the party's newspaper, Pravda, and raised funds for Vladimir Lenin's Bolshevik faction via robberies, kidnappings, and protection rackets. Repeatedly arrested, he underwent several internal exiles. After the Bolsheviks seized power during the 1917 October Revolution and created a one-party state under Lenin's newly renamed Communist Party, Stalin joined its governing Politburo. Serving in the Russian Civil War before overseeing the Soviet Union's establishment in 1922, Stalin assumed leadership over the country following Lenin's 1924 death. Under Stalin, "Socialism in One Country" became a central tenet of the party's dogma. Through the Five-Year Plans, the country underwent agricultural collectivisation and rapid industrialisation, creating a centralised command economy. This led to significant disruptions in food production that contributed to the famine of 1932–33. To eradicate accused "enemies of the working class", Stalin instituted the "Great Purge", in which over a million were imprisoned and at least 700,000 executed between 1934 and 1939. By 1937, he had complete personal control over the party and state.
Stalin's government promoted Marxism–Leninism abroad through the Communist International and supported European anti-fascist movements during the 1930s, particularly in the Spanish Civil War. In 1939, it signed a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany, resulting in the Soviet invasion of Poland. Germany ended the pact by invading the Soviet Union in 1941. Despite initial setbacks, the Soviet Red Army repelled the German incursion and captured Berlin in 1945, ending World War II in Europe. The Soviets annexed the Baltic states and helped establish Soviet-aligned governments throughout Central and Eastern Europe, China, and North Korea. The Soviet Union and the United States emerged from the war as global superpowers. Tensions arose between the Soviet-backed Eastern Bloc and U.S.-backed Western Bloc which became known as the Cold War. Stalin led his country through the post-war reconstruction, during which it developed a nuclear weapon in 1949. In these years, the country experienced another major famine and an anti-semitic campaign peaking in the doctors' plot. After Stalin's death in 1953 he was eventually succeeded by Nikita Khrushchev, who denounced his predecessor and initiated the de-Stalinisation of Soviet society.
Widely considered one of the 20th century's most significant figures, Stalin was the subject of a pervasive personality cult within the international Marxist–Leninist movement which revered him as a champion of the working class and socialism. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Stalin has retained popularity in Russia and Georgia as a victorious wartime leader who established the Soviet Union as a major world power. Conversely, his totalitarian government has been widely condemned for overseeing mass repressions, ethnic cleansing, deportations, hundreds of thousands of executions, and famines which killed millions.
Childhood to young adulthood: 1878–1899
Stalin was born in the Georgian town of Gori, then part of the Russian Empire and home to a mix of Georgian, Armenian, Russian, and Jewish communities. He was born on 18 December [O.S. 6 Dec] 1878,[c] and baptised on 29 December. His parents, Besarion Jughashvili and Ekaterine Geladze, were ethnically Georgian, and Stalin grew up speaking the Georgian language. He was their only child to survive past infancy, and was nicknamed "Soso", a diminutive of "Ioseb".
Besarion was a shoemaker and owned his own workshop; it was initially a financial success, but later fell into decline. The family found itself living in poverty, moving through nine different rented rooms during ten years. Besarion became an alcoholic, and drunkenly beat his wife and son. To escape, Keke took Stalin and moved into the house of a family friend, Father Christopher Charkviani. She worked as a house cleaner and launderer, and was determined to send her son to school. In late 1888, Stalin enrolled at the Gori Church School, a place secured by Charkviani. Although he got into many fights, Stalin excelled academically, displaying talent in painting and drama classes, writing his own poetry, and singing as a choirboy. Stalin faced several severe health problems; an 1884 smallpox infection left him with facial pock scars, and aged 12, he was seriously injured after being hit by a phaeton, which was the likely cause of a lifelong disability to his left arm.
In August 1894, Stalin enrolled in the Spiritual Seminary in Tiflis, enabled by a scholarship that allowed him to study at a reduced rate. Here he joined 600 trainee priests who boarded at the institution. Stalin was again academically successful and gained high grades. He continued writing poetry; five of his poems were published under the pseudonym of "Soselo" in Ilia Chavchavadze's newspaper Iveria ('Georgia'). Thematically, they dealt with topics like nature, land, and patriotism. According to Stalin's biographer Simon Sebag Montefiore they became "minor Georgian classics", and were included in various anthologies of Georgian poetry over the coming years. As he grew older, Stalin lost interest in his studies, his grades dropped, and he was repeatedly confined to a cell for his rebellious behaviour. Teachers complained that he declared himself an atheist, chatted in class and refused to doff his hat to monks.
Stalin joined a forbidden book club at the school; he was particularly influenced by Nikolay Chernyshevsky's 1863 pro-revolutionary novel What Is To Be Done? Another influential text was Alexander Kazbegi's The Patricide, with Stalin adopting the nickname "Koba" from that of the book's bandit protagonist. He also read Capital, the 1867 book by German sociological theorist Karl Marx. Stalin devoted himself to Marx's socio-political theory, Marxism, which was then on the rise in Georgia, one of various forms of socialism opposed to the empire's governing Tsarist authorities. At night, he attended secret workers' meetings, and was introduced to Silibistro "Silva" Jibladze, the Marxist founder of Mesame Dasi ('Third Group'), a Georgian socialist group. Stalin left the seminary in April 1899 and never returned.
Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party: 1899–1904
In October 1899, Stalin began work as a meteorologist at a Tiflis observatory. He attracted a group of supporters through his classes in socialist theory, and co-organised a secret workers' mass meeting for May Day 1900, at which he successfully encouraged many of the men to take strike action. By this point, the empire's secret police — the Okhrana — were aware of Stalin's activities within Tiflis' revolutionary milieu. They attempted to arrest him in March 1901, but he escaped and went into hiding, living off the donations of friends and sympathisers. Remaining underground, he helped plan a demonstration for May Day 1901, in which 3,000 marchers clashed with the authorities. He continued to evade arrest by using aliases and sleeping in different apartments. In November 1901, he was elected to the Tiflis Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP), a Marxist party founded in 1898.
That month, Stalin travelled to the port city of Batumi. His militant rhetoric proved divisive among the city's Marxists, some of whom suspected that he might be an agent provocateur working for the government. He found employment at the Rothschild refinery storehouse, where he co-organised twice workers' strikes. After several strike leaders were arrested, he co-organised a mass public demonstration which led to the storming of the prison; troops fired upon the demonstrators, 13 of whom were killed. Stalin organised a second mass demonstration on the day of their funeral, before being arrested in April 1902. Held first in Batumi Prison, and then Kutaisi Prison, in mid-1903 Stalin was sentenced to three years of exile in eastern Siberia.
Stalin left Batumi in October, arriving at the small Siberian town of Novaya Uda in late November. There, he lived in a two-room peasant's house, sleeping in the building's larder. He made two escape attempts; on the first he made it to Balagansk before returning due to frostbite. His second attempt was successful and he made it to Tiflis. There, he co-edited a Georgian Marxist newspaper, Proletariatis Brdzola ("Proletarian Struggle"), with Philip Makharadze. He called for the Georgian Marxist movement to split off from its Russian counterpart, resulting in several RSDLP members accusing him of holding views contrary to the ethos of Marxist internationalism and calling for his expulsion from the party; he soon recanted his opinions. During his exile, the RSDLP had split between Vladimir Lenin's "Bolsheviks" and Julius Martov's "Mensheviks". Stalin detested many of the Mensheviks in Georgia and aligned himself with the Bolsheviks. Although Stalin established a Bolshevik stronghold in the mining town of Chiatura, Bolshevism remained a minority force in the Menshevik-dominated Georgian revolutionary scene.
Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath: 1905–1912
In January 1905, government troops massacred protesters in Saint Petersburg. Unrest soon spread across the Russian Empire in what came to be known as the Revolution of 1905. Georgia was particularly affected. Stalin was in Baku in February when ethnic violence broke out between Armenians and Azeris; at least 2,000 were killed. He publicly lambasted the "pogroms against Jews and Armenians" as being part of Tsar Nicholas II's attempts to "buttress his despicable throne". Stalin formed a Bolshevik Battle Squad which he used to try and keep Baku's warring ethnic factions apart; he also used the unrest as a cover for stealing printing equipment. Amid the growing violence throughout Georgia he formed further Battle Squads, with the Mensheviks doing the same. Stalin's Squads disarmed local police and troops, raided government arsenals, and raised funds through protection rackets on large local businesses and mines. They launched attacks on the government's Cossack troops and pro-Tsarist Black Hundreds, co-ordinating some of their operations with the Menshevik militia.
In November 1905, the Georgian Bolsheviks elected Stalin as one of their delegates to a Bolshevik conference in Saint Petersburg. On arrival, he met Lenin's wife Nadezhda Krupskaya, who informed him that the venue had been moved to Tampere in the Grand Duchy of Finland. At the conference Stalin met Lenin for the first time. Although Stalin held Lenin in deep respect, he was vocal in his disagreement with Lenin's view that the Bolsheviks should field candidates for the forthcoming election to the State Duma; Stalin saw the parliamentary process as a waste of time. In April 1906, Stalin attended the RSDLP Fourth Congress in Stockholm; this was his first trip outside the Russian Empire. At the conference, the RSDLP—then led by its Menshevik majority—agreed that it would not raise funds using armed robbery. Lenin and Stalin disagreed with this decision, and later privately discussed how they could continue the robberies for the Bolshevik cause.
Stalin married Kato Svanidze in a church ceremony at Senaki in July 1906. In March 1907 she bore a son, Yakov. By that year—according to the historian Robert Service—Stalin had established himself as "Georgia's leading Bolshevik". He attended the Fifth RSDLP Congress, held in London in May–June 1907. After returning to Tiflis, Stalin organised the robbing of a large delivery of money to the Imperial Bank in June 1907. His gang ambushed the armed convoy in Yerevan Square with gunfire and home-made bombs. Around 40 people were killed, but all of his gang escaped alive. After the heist, Stalin settled in Baku with his wife and son. There, Mensheviks confronted Stalin about the robbery and voted to expel him from the RSDLP, but he took no notice of them.
In Baku, Stalin secured Bolshevik domination of the local RSDLP branch, and edited two Bolshevik newspapers, Bakinsky Proletary and Gudok ("Whistle"). In August 1907, he attended the Seventh Congress of the Second International—an international socialist organisation—in Stuttgart, Germany. In November 1907, his wife died of typhus, and he left his son with her family in Tiflis. In Baku he had reassembled his gang, the Outfit, which continued to attack Black Hundreds and raised finances by running protection rackets, counterfeiting currency, and carrying out robberies. They also kidnapped the children of several wealthy figures to extract ransom money. In early 1908, he travelled to the Swiss city of Geneva to meet with Lenin and the prominent Russian Marxist Georgi Plekhanov, although the latter exasperated him.
In March 1908, Stalin was arrested and interned in Bailov Prison in Baku There, he led the imprisoned Bolsheviks, organised discussion groups, and ordered the killing of suspected informants. He was eventually sentenced to two years exile in the village of Solvychegodsk, Vologda Province, arriving there in February 1909. In June, he escaped the village and made it to Kotlas disguised as a woman and from there to Saint Petersburg. In March 1910, he was arrested again, and sent back to Solvychegodsk. There he had affairs with at least two women; his landlady, Maria Kuzakova, who later gave birth to his second son, Konstantin. In June 1911, Stalin was given permission to move to Vologda, where he stayed for two months, having a relationship with Pelageya Onufrieva. He escaped to Saint Petersburg, where he was arrested in September 1911, and sentenced to a further three-year exile in Vologda.
Rise to the Central Committee and editorship of Pravda: 1912–1917
While Stalin was in exile, the first Bolshevik Central Committee had been elected at the Prague Conference, after which Lenin and Grigory Zinoviev invited Stalin to join it. Still in Vologda, Stalin agreed, remaining a Central Committee member for the rest of his life. Lenin believed that Stalin, as a Georgian, would help secure support for the Bolsheviks from the Empire's minority ethnicities. In February 1912, Stalin again escaped to Saint Petersburg, tasked with converting the Bolshevik weekly newspaper, Zvezda ("Star") into a daily, Pravda ("Truth"). The new newspaper was launched in April 1912, although Stalin's role as editor was kept secret.
In May 1912, he was arrested again and imprisoned in the Shpalerhy Prison, before being sentenced to three years exile in Siberia. In July, he arrived at the Siberian village of Narym, where he shared a room with fellow Bolshevik Yakov Sverdlov. After two months, Stalin and Sverdlov escaped back to Saint Petersburg. During a brief period back in Tiflis, Stalin and the Outfit planned the ambush of a mail coach, during which most of the group—although not Stalin—were apprehended by the authorities. Stalin returned to Saint Petersburg, where he continued editing and writing articles for Pravda.
After the October 1912 Duma elections resulted in six Bolsheviks and six Mensheviks being elected, Stalin wrote articles calling for reconciliation between the two Marxist factions, for which he was criticised by Lenin. In late 1912, he twice crossed into the Austro-Hungarian Empire to visit Lenin in Kraków, eventually bowing to Lenin's opposition to reunification with the Mensheviks. In January 1913 Stalin travelled to Vienna, there focusing on the 'national question' of how the Bolsheviks should deal with the Russian Empire's national and ethnic minorities. Lenin wanted to attract these groups to the Bolshevik cause by offering them the right of secession from the Russian state, but at the same time hoped they would remain part of a future Bolshevik-governed Russia. Stalin's finished article was titled Marxism and the National Question; Lenin was very happy with it. According to Montefiore, this was "Stalin's most famous work". The article was published under the pseudonym of "K. Stalin", a name he had been using since 1912. Derived from the Russian word for steel (stal), this has been translated as "Man of Steel"; Stalin may have intended it to imitate Lenin's pseudonym. Stalin retained this name for the rest of his life, possibly because it had been used on the article which established his reputation among the Bolsheviks.
In February 1913, Stalin was arrested while back in Saint Petersburg. He was sentenced to four years exile in Turukhansk, a remote part of Siberia from which escape was particularly difficult. In August, he arrived in the village of Monastyrskoe, although after four weeks was relocated to the hamlet of Kostino. In March 1914, concerned over a potential escape attempt, the authorities moved Stalin to the hamlet of Kureika on the edge of the Arctic Circle. In the hamlet, Stalin had a relationship with Lidia Pereprygia, who was thirteen at the time and thus a year under the legal age of consent in Tsarist Russia. In or about December 1914, Pereprygia gave birth to Stalin's child, although the infant soon died. She gave birth to another of his children, Alexander, circa April 1917. In Kureika, Stalin lived closely with the indigenous Tunguses and Ostyak, and spent much of his time fishing.
Russian Revolution: 1917
While Stalin was in exile, Russia entered the First World War, and in October 1916 Stalin and other exiled Bolsheviks were conscripted into the Russian Army, leaving for Monastyrskoe. They arrived in Krasnoyarsk in February 1917, where a medical examiner ruled Stalin unfit for military service due to his crippled arm. Stalin was required to serve four more months on his exile, and he successfully requested that he serve it in nearby Achinsk. Stalin was in the city when the February Revolution took place; uprisings broke out in Petrograd—as Saint Petersburg had been renamed—and Tsar Nicholas II abdicated to escape being violently overthrown. The Russian Empire became a de facto republic, headed by a Provisional Government dominated by liberals. In a celebratory mood, Stalin travelled by train to Petrograd in March. There, Stalin and fellow Bolshevik Lev Kamenev assumed control of Pravda, and Stalin was appointed the Bolshevik representative to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, an influential council of the city's workers. In April, Stalin came third in the Bolshevik elections for the party's Central Committee; Lenin came first and Zinoviev came second. This reflected his senior standing in the party at the time.
The existing government of landlords and capitalists must be replaced by a new government, a government of workers and peasants.
The existing pseudo-government which was not elected by the people and which is not accountable to the people must be replaced by a government recognised by the people, elected by representatives of the workers, soldiers and peasants and held accountable to their representatives.
— Stalin's editorial in Pravda, October 1917
Stalin helped organise the July Days uprising, an armed display of strength by Bolshevik supporters. After the demonstration was suppressed, the Provisional Government initiated a crackdown on the Bolsheviks, raiding Pravda. During this raid, Stalin smuggled Lenin out of the newspaper's office and took charge of the Bolshevik leader's safety, moving him between Petrograd safe houses before smuggling him to Razliv. In Lenin's absence, Stalin continued editing Pravda and served as acting leader of the Bolsheviks, overseeing the party's Sixth Congress, which was held covertly. Lenin began calling for the Bolsheviks to seize power by toppling the Provisional Government in a coup d'état. Stalin and fellow senior Bolshevik Leon Trotsky both endorsed Lenin's plan of action, but it was initially opposed by Kamenev and other party members. Lenin returned to Petrograd and secured a majority in favour of a coup at a meeting of the Central Committee on 10 October.
On 24 October, police raided the Bolshevik newspaper offices, smashing machinery and presses; Stalin salvaged some of this equipment to continue his activities. In the early hours of 25 October, Stalin joined Lenin in a Central Committee meeting in the Smolny Institute, from where the Bolshevik coup—the October Revolution—was directed. Bolshevik militia seized Petrograd's electric power station, main post office, state bank, telephone exchange, and several bridges. A Bolshevik-controlled ship, the Aurora, opened fire on the Winter Palace; the Provisional Government's assembled delegates surrendered and were arrested by the Bolsheviks. Although he had been tasked with briefing the Bolshevik delegates of the Second Congress of Soviets about the developing situation, Stalin's role in the coup had not been publicly visible. Trotsky and other later Bolshevik opponents of Stalin used this as evidence that his role in the coup had been insignificant, although later historians reject this. According to the historian Oleg Khlevniuk, Stalin "filled an important role [in the October Revolution]... as a senior Bolshevik, member of the party's Central Committee, and editor of its main newspaper"; the historian Stephen Kotkin similarly noted that Stalin had been "in the thick of events" in the build-up to the coup.
In Lenin's government
Consolidating power: 1917–1918
On 26 October, Lenin declared himself Chairman of a new government, the Council of People's Commissars ("Sovnarkom"). Stalin backed Lenin's decision not to form a coalition with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionary Party, although they did form a coalition government with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. Stalin became part of an informal foursome leading the government, alongside Lenin, Trotsky, and Sverdlov; of these, Sverdlov was regularly absent, and died in March 1919. Stalin's office was based near to Lenin's in the Smolny Institute, and he and Trotsky were the only individuals allowed access to Lenin's study without an appointment. Although not so publicly well known as Lenin or Trotsky, Stalin's importance among the Bolsheviks grew. He co-signed Lenin's decrees shutting down hostile newspapers, and with Sverdlov chaired the sessions of the committee drafting a constitution for the new Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. He strongly supported Lenin's formation of the Cheka security service and the subsequent Red Terror that it initiated; noting that state violence had proved an effective tool for capitalist powers, he believed that it would prove the same for the Soviet government. Unlike senior Bolsheviks like Kamenev and Nikolai Bukharin, Stalin never expressed concern about the rapid growth and expansion of the Cheka and Terror.
Having dropped his editorship of Pravda, Stalin was appointed the People's Commissar for Nationalities. He took Nadezhda Alliluyeva as his secretary, and at some point married her, although the wedding date is unknown. In November 1917, he signed the Decree on Nationality, according ethnic and national minorities living in Russia the right of secession and self-determination. The decree's purpose was primarily strategic; the Bolsheviks wanted to gain favour among ethnic minorities but hoped that the latter would not actually desire independence. That month, he travelled to Helsinki to talk with the Finnish Social-Democrats, granting Finland's request for independence in December. His department allocated funds for the establishment of presses and schools in the languages of various ethnic minorities. Socialist Revolutionaries accused Stalin's talk of federalism and national self-determination as a front for Sovnarkom's centralising and imperialist policies.
Due to the ongoing First World War, in which Russia was fighting the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary, Lenin's government relocated from Petrograd to Moscow in March 1918. There, they based themselves in the Kremlin; it was here that Stalin, Trotsky, Sverdlov, and Lenin lived. Stalin supported Lenin's desire to sign an armistice with the Central Powers regardless of the cost in territory. Stalin thought it necessary because—unlike Lenin—he was unconvinced that Europe was on the verge of proletarian revolution. Lenin eventually convinced the other senior Bolsheviks of his viewpoint, resulting in the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918. The treaty gave vast areas of land and resources to the Central Powers and angered many in Russia; the Left Socialist Revolutionaries withdrew from the coalition government over the issue. The governing RSDLP party was soon renamed, becoming the Russian Communist Party.
Military Command: 1918–1921
After the Bolsheviks seized power, both right and left-wing armies rallied against them, generating the Russian Civil War. To secure access to the dwindling food supply, in May 1918 Sovnarkom sent Stalin to Tsaritsyn to take charge of food procurement in southern Russia. Eager to prove himself as a commander, once there he took control of regional military operations. He befriended two military figures, Kliment Voroshilov and Semyon Budyonny, who would form the nucleus of his military and political support base. Believing that victory was assured by numerical superiority, he sent large numbers of Red Army troops into battle against the region's anti-Bolshevik White armies, resulting in heavy losses; Lenin was concerned by this costly tactic. In Tsaritsyn, Stalin commanded the local Cheka branch to execute suspected counter-revolutionaries, sometimes without trial, and—in contravention of government orders—purged the military and food collection agencies of middle-class specialists, some of whom he also executed. His use of state violence and terror was at a greater scale than most Bolshevik leaders approved of; for instance, he ordered several villages to be torched to ensure compliance with his food procurement program.
In December 1918, Stalin was sent to Perm to lead an inquiry into how Alexander Kolchak's White forces had been able to decimate Red troops based there. He returned to Moscow between January and March 1919, before being assigned to the Western Front at Petrograd. When the Red Third Regiment defected, he ordered the public execution of captured defectors. In September he was returned to the Southern Front. During the war, he proved his worth to the Central Committee, displaying decisiveness, determination, and a willingness to take on responsibility in conflict situations. At the same time, he disregarded orders and repeatedly threatened to resign when affronted. In November 1919, the government awarded him the Order of the Red Banner for his wartime service.
The Bolsheviks had won the civil war by late 1919. Sovnarkom turned its attention to spreading proletarian revolution abroad, to this end forming the Communist International in March 1919; Stalin attended its inaugural ceremony. Although Stalin did not share Lenin's belief that Europe's proletariat were on the verge of revolution, he acknowledged that as long as it stood alone, Soviet Russia remained vulnerable. In December 1918, he drew up decrees recognising Marxist-governed Soviet republics in Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia; during the civil war these Marxist governments were overthrown and the Baltic countries became fully independent of Russia, an act Stalin regarded as illegitimate. In February 1920, he was appointed to head the Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate; that same month he was also transferred to the Caucasian Front.
Following earlier clashes between Polish and Russian troops, the Polish–Soviet War broke out in early 1920, with the Poles invading Ukraine and taking Kiev. Stalin was moved to Ukraine, on the Southwest Front. The Red Army forced the Polish troops back into Poland. Lenin believed that the Polish proletariat would rise up to support the Russians against Józef Piłsudski's Polish government. Stalin had cautioned against this; he believed that nationalism would lead the Polish working-classes to support their government's war effort. He also believed that the Red Army was ill-prepared to conduct an offensive war and that it would give White Armies a chance to resurface in Crimea, potentially reigniting the civil war. Stalin lost the argument, after which he accepted Lenin's decision and supported it. Along the Southwest Front, he became determined to conquer Lviv; in focusing on this goal he disobeyed orders to transfer his troops to assist Mikhail Tukhachevsky's forces. In August, the Poles repulsed the Russian advance and Stalin returned to Moscow. A Polish-Soviet peace treaty was signed; Stalin saw this as a failure for which he blamed Trotsky. In turn, Trotsky accused Stalin of "strategic mistakes" in his handling of the war at the Ninth Bolshevik Conference. Stalin felt resentful and under-appreciated; in September he demanded demission from the military, which was granted.
Lenin's final years: 1921–1923
The Soviet government sought to bring neighbouring states under its domination; in February 1921 it invaded the Menshevik-governed Georgia, while in April 1921, Stalin ordered the Red Army into Turkestan to reassert Russian state control. As People's Commissar for Nationalities, Stalin believed that each national and ethnic group should have the right to self-expression, facilitated through "autonomous republics" within the Russian state in which they could oversee various regional affairs. In taking this view, some Marxists accused him of bending too much to bourgeois nationalism, while others accused him of remaining too Russocentric by seeking to retain these nations within the Russian state.
Stalin's native Caucasus posed a particular problem due to its highly multi-ethnic mix. Stalin opposed the idea of separate Georgian, Armenian, and Azerbaijani autonomous republics, arguing that these would likely oppress ethnic minorities within their respective territories; instead he called for a Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic. The Georgian Communist Party opposed the idea, resulting in the Georgian Affair. In mid-1921, Stalin returned to the southern Caucasus, there calling on Georgian Communists to avoid the chauvinistic Georgian nationalism which marginalised the Abkhazian, Ossetian, and Adjarian minorities in Georgia. On this trip, Stalin met with his son Yakov, and brought him back to Moscow; Nadya had given birth to another of Stalin's sons, Vasily, in March 1921.
After the civil war, workers' strikes and peasant uprisings broke out across Russia, largely in opposition to Sovnarkom's food requisitioning project; as an antidote, Lenin introduced market-oriented reforms: the New Economic Policy (NEP). There was also internal turmoil in the Communist Party, as Trotsky led a faction calling for the abolition of trade unions; Lenin opposed this and Stalin helped rally opposition to Trotsky's position. Stalin also agreed to supervise the Department of Agitation and Propaganda in the Central Committee Secretariat. At the 11th Party Congress in 1922, Lenin nominated Stalin as the party's new General Secretary. Although concerns were expressed that adopting this new post on top of his others would overstretch his workload and give him too much power, Stalin was appointed to the position. For Lenin, it was advantageous to have a key ally in this crucial post.
Stalin is too crude, and this defect which is entirely acceptable in our milieu and in relationships among us as communists, becomes unacceptable in the position of General Secretary. I therefore propose to comrades that they should devise a means of removing him from this job and should appoint to this job someone else who is distinguished from comrade Stalin in all other respects only by the single superior aspect that he should be more tolerant, more polite and more attentive towards comrades, less capricious, etc.
In May 1922, a massive stroke left Lenin partially paralyzed. Residing at his Gorki dacha, Lenin's main connection to Sovnarkom was through Stalin, who was a regular visitor. Lenin twice asked Stalin to procure poison so that he could commit suicide, but Stalin never did so. Despite this comradeship, Lenin disliked what he referred to as Stalin's "Asiatic" manner, and told his sister Maria that Stalin was "not intelligent". Lenin and Stalin argued on the issue of foreign trade; Lenin believed that the Soviet state should have a monopoly on foreign trade, but Stalin supported Grigori Sokolnikov's view that doing so was impractical at that stage. Another disagreement came over the Georgian Affair, with Lenin backing the Georgian Central Committee's desire for a Georgian Soviet Republic over Stalin's idea of a Transcaucasian one.
They also disagreed on the nature of the Soviet state. Lenin called for the country to be renamed the "Union of Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia", reflecting his desire for expansion across the two continents. Stalin believed this would encourage independence sentiment among non-Russians, instead arguing that ethnic minorities would be content as "autonomous republics" within the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. Lenin accused Stalin of "Great Russian chauvinism"; Stalin accused Lenin of "national liberalism". A compromise was reached, in which the country would be renamed the "Union of Soviet Socialist Republics" (USSR). The USSR's formation was ratified in December 1922; although officially a federal system, all major decisions were taken by the governing Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Moscow.
Their differences also became personal; Lenin was particularly angered when Stalin was rude to his wife Krupskaya during a telephone conversation. In the final years of his life, Krupskaya provided governing figures with Lenin's Testament, a series of increasingly disparaging notes about Stalin. These criticised Stalin's rude manners and excessive power, suggesting that Stalin should be removed from the position of General Secretary. Some historians have questioned whether Lenin ever produced these, suggesting instead that they may have been written by Krupskaya, who had personal differences with Stalin; Stalin, however, never publicly voiced concerns about their authenticity.
Rise to power
Succeeding Lenin: 1924–1927
Lenin died in January 1924. Stalin took charge of the funeral and was one of its pallbearers; against the wishes of Lenin's widow, the Politburo embalmed his corpse and placed it within a mausoleum in Moscow's Red Square. It was incorporated into a growing personality cult devoted to Lenin, with Petrograd being renamed "Leningrad" that year. To bolster his image as a devoted Leninist, Stalin gave nine lectures at Sverdlov University on the "Foundations of Leninism", later published in book form. At the following 13th Party Congress, "Lenin's Testament" was read to senior figures. Embarrassed by its contents, Stalin offered his resignation as General Secretary; this act of humility saved him and he was retained in the position.
As General Secretary, Stalin had had a free hand in making appointments to his own staff, implanting his loyalists throughout the party and administration. Favouring new Communist Party members, many from worker and peasant backgrounds, to the "Old Bolsheviks" who tended to be university educated, he ensured he had loyalists dispersed across the country's regions. Stalin had much contact with young party functionaries, and the desire for promotion led many provincial figures to seek to impress Stalin and gain his favour. Stalin also developed close relations with the trio at the heart of the secret police (first the Cheka and then its replacement, the State Political Directorate): Felix Dzerzhinsky, Genrikh Yagoda, and Vyacheslav Menzhinsky. In his private life, he divided his time between his Kremlin apartment and a dacha at Zubalova; his wife gave birth to a daughter, Svetlana, in February 1926.
In the wake of Lenin's death, various protagonists emerged in the struggle to become his successor: alongside Stalin was Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Alexei Rykov, and Mikhail Tomsky. Stalin saw Trotsky—whom he personally despised—as the main obstacle to his dominance within the party. While Lenin had been ill he had forged an anti-Trotsky alliance with Kamenev and Zinoviev. Although Zinoviev was concerned about Stalin's growing authority, he rallied behind him at the 13th Congress as a counterweight to Trotsky, who now led a party faction known as the Left Opposition. The Left Opposition believed the NEP conceded too much to capitalism; Stalin was called a "rightist" for his support of the policy. Stalin built up a retinue of his supporters in the Central Committee, while the Left Opposition were gradually removed from their positions of influence. He was supported in this by Bukharin, who like Stalin believed that the Left Opposition's proposals would plunge the Soviet Union into instability.
In late 1924, Stalin moved against Kamenev and Zinoviev, removing their supporters from key positions. In 1925, Kamenev and Zinoviev moved into open opposition of Stalin and Bukharin. They attacked one another at the 14th Party Congress, where Stalin accused Kamenev and Zinoviev of reintroducing factionalism—and thus instability—into the party. In mid-1926, Kamenev and Zinoviev joined with Trotsky's supporters to form the United Opposition against Stalin; in October they agreed to stop factional activity under threat of expulsion, and later publicly recanted their views under Stalin's command. The factionalist arguments continued, with Stalin threatening to resign in October and then December 1926 and again in December 1927. In October 1927, Zinoviev and Trotsky were removed from the Central Committee; the latter was exiled to Kazakhstan and later deported from the country in 1929. Some of those United Opposition members who were repentant were later rehabilitated and returned to government.
Stalin was now the party's supreme leader, although he was not the head of government, a task he entrusted to key ally Vyacheslav Molotov. Other important supporters on the Politburo were Voroshilov, Lazar Kaganovich, and Sergo Ordzhonikidze, with Stalin ensuring his allies ran the various state institutions. According to Montefiore, at this point "Stalin was the leader of the oligarchs but he was far from a dictator". His growing influence was reflected in the naming of various locations after him; in June 1924 the Ukrainian mining town of Yuzovka became Stalino, and in April 1925, Tsaritsyn was renamed Stalingrad on the order of Mikhail Kalinin and Avel Enukidze.
In 1926, Stalin published On Questions of Leninism. Here, he argued for the concept of "Socialism in One Country", which he presented as an orthodox Leninist perspective. It nevertheless clashed with established Bolshevik views that socialism could not be established in one country but could only be achieved globally through the process of world revolution. In 1927, there was some argument in the party over Soviet policy regarding China. Stalin had called for the Communist Party of China, led by Mao Zedong, to ally itself with Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang (KMT) nationalists, viewing a Communist-Kuomintang alliance as the best bulwark against Japanese imperial expansionism. Instead, the KMT repressed the Communists and a civil war broke out between the two sides.
Dekulakisation, collectivisation, and industrialisation: 1927–1931
We have fallen behind the advanced countries by fifty to a hundred years. We must close that gap in ten years. Either we do this or we'll be crushed. This is what our obligations before the workers and peasants of the USSR dictate to us.
— Stalin, February 1931
The Soviet Union lagged behind the industrial development of Western countries, and there had been a shortfall of grain; 1927 produced only 70% of grain produced in 1926. Stalin's government feared attack from Japan, France, the United Kingdom, Poland, and Romania. Many Communists, including in Komsomol, OGPU, and the Red Army, were eager to be rid of the NEP and its market-oriented approach; they had concerns about those who profited from the policy: affluent peasants known as "kulaks" and the small business owners or "Nepmen". At this point, Stalin turned against the NEP, putting him on a course to the "left" even of Trotsky or Zinoviev.
In early 1928 Stalin travelled to Novosibirsk, where he alleged that kulaks were hoarding their grain and ordered that the kulaks be arrested and their grain confiscated, with Stalin bringing much of the area's grain back to Moscow with him in February. At his command, grain procurement squads surfaced across Western Siberia and the Urals, with violence breaking out between these squads and the peasantry. Stalin announced that both kulaks and the "middle peasants" must be coerced into releasing their harvest. Bukharin and several other Central Committee members were angry that they had not been consulted about this measure, which they deemed rash. In January 1930, the Politburo approved the liquidation of the kulak class; accused kulaks were rounded up and exiled to other parts of the country or to concentration camps. Large numbers died during the journey. By July 1930, over 320,000 households had been affected by the de-kulakisation policy. According to Stalin biographer Dmitri Volkogonov, de-kulakisation was "the first mass terror applied by Stalin in his own country".
In 1929, the Politburo announced the mass collectivisation of agriculture, establishing both kolkhozy collective farms and sovkhoz state farms. Stalin barred kulaks from joining these collectives. Although officially voluntary, many peasants joined the collectives out of fear they would face the fate of the kulaks; others joined amid intimidation and violence from party loyalists. By 1932, about 62% of households involved in agriculture were part of collectives, and by 1936 this had risen to 90%. Many of the collectivised peasants resented the loss of their private farmland, and productivity slumped. Famine broke out in many areas, with the Politburo frequently ordering the distribution of emergency food relief to these regions.
Armed peasant uprisings against dekulakisation and collectivisation broke out in Ukraine, northern Caucasus, southern Russia, and central Asia, reaching their apex in March 1930; these were suppressed by the Red Army. Stalin responded to the uprisings with an article insisting that collectivisation was voluntary and blaming any violence and other excesses on local officials. Although he and Stalin had been close for many years, Bukharin expressed concerns about these policies; he regarded them as a return to Lenin's old "war communism" policy and believed that it would fail. By mid-1928 he was unable to rally sufficient support in the party to oppose the reforms. In November 1929 Stalin removed him from the Politburo.
Officially, the Soviet Union had replaced the "irrationality" and "wastefulness" of a market economy with a planned economy organised along a long-term, precise, and scientific framework; in reality, Soviet economics were based on ad hoc commandments issued from the centre, often to make short-term targets. In 1928, the first five-year plan was launched, its main focus on boosting heavy industry; it was finished a year ahead of schedule, in 1932. The USSR underwent a massive economic transformation. New mines were opened, new cities like Magnitogorsk constructed, and work on the White Sea-Baltic Canal begun. Millions of peasants moved to the cities, although urban house building could not keep up with the demand. Large debts were accrued purchasing foreign-made machinery.
Many of the major construction projects, including the White Sea-Baltic Canal and the Moscow Metro, were constructed largely through forced labour. The last elements of workers' control over industry were removed, with factory managers increasing their authority and receiving privileges and perks; Stalin defended wage disparity by pointing to Marx's argument that it was necessary during the lower stages of socialism. To promote the intensification of labour, a series of medals and awards as well as the Stakhanovite movement were introduced. Stalin's message was that socialism was being established in the USSR while capitalism was crumbling amid the Wall Street crash. His speeches and articles reflected his utopian vision of the Soviet Union rising to unparalleled heights of human development, creating a "new Soviet person". 
Cultural and foreign policy
In 1928, Stalin declared that class war between the proletariat and their enemies would intensify as socialism developed. He warned of a "danger from the right", including in the Communist Party itself. The first major show trial in the USSR was the Shakhty Trial of 1928, in which several middle-class "industrial specialists" were convicted of sabotage. From 1929 to 1930, further show trials were held to intimidate opposition: these included the Industrial Party Trial, Menshevik Trial, and Metro-Vickers Trial. Aware that the ethnic Russian majority may have concerns about being ruled by a Georgian, he promoted ethnic Russians throughout the state hierarchy and made the Russian language compulsory throughout schools and offices, albeit to be used in tandem with local languages in areas with non-Russian majorities. Nationalist sentiment among ethnic minorities was suppressed. Conservative social policies were promoted to enhance social discipline and boost population growth; this included a focus on strong family units and motherhood, the re-criminalisation of homosexuality, restrictions placed on abortion and divorce, and the abolition of the Zhenotdel women's department.
Stalin desired a "cultural revolution", entailing both the creation of a culture for the "masses" and the wider dissemination of previously elite culture. He oversaw the proliferation of schools, newspapers, and libraries, as well as the advancement of literacy and numeracy. "Socialist realism" was promoted throughout the arts, while Stalin personally wooed prominent writers, namely Maxim Gorky, Mikhail Sholokhov, and Aleksey Nikolayevich Tolstoy. He also expressed patronage for scientists whose research fitted within his preconceived interpretation of Marxism; he for instance endorsed the research of agrobiologist Trofim Lysenko despite the fact that it was rejected by the majority of Lysenko's scientific peers as pseudo-scientific. The government's anti-religious campaign was re-intensified, with increased funding given to the League of Militant Atheists. Christian, Muslim, and Buddhist clergy faced persecution. Many religious buildings were demolished, most notably Moscow's Cathedral of Christ the Saviour, destroyed in 1931 to make way for the (never completed) Palace of the Soviets. Religion retained an influence over much of the population; in the 1937 census, 57% of respondents identified as religious.
Throughout the 1920s and beyond, Stalin placed a high priority on foreign policy. He personally met with a range of Western visitors, including George Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells, both of whom were impressed with him. Through the Communist International, Stalin's government exerted a strong influence over Marxist parties elsewhere in the world; initially, Stalin left the running of the organisation largely to Bukharin. At its 6th Congress in July 1928, Stalin informed delegates that the main threat to socialism came not from the right but from non-Marxist socialists and social democrats, whom he called "social fascists"; Stalin recognised that in many countries, the social democrats were the Marxist-Leninists' main rivals for working-class support. This preoccupation with opposing rival leftists concerned Bukharin, who regarded the growth of fascism and the far right across Europe as a far greater threat. After Bukharin's departure, Stalin placed the Communist International under the administration of Dmitry Manuilsky and Osip Piatnitsky.
Stalin faced problems in his family life. In 1929, his son Yakov unsuccessfully attempted suicide; his failure earned Stalin's contempt. His relationship with Nadya was also strained amid their arguments and her mental health problems. In November 1932, after a group dinner in the Kremlin in which Stalin flirted with other women, Nadya shot herself. Publicly, the cause of death was given as appendicitis; Stalin also concealed the real cause of death from his children. Stalin's friends noted that he underwent a significant change following her suicide, becoming emotionally harder.
Major crises: 1932–1939
Within the Soviet Union, there was widespread civic disgruntlement against Stalin's government. Social unrest, previously restricted largely to the countryside, was increasingly evident in urban areas, prompting Stalin to ease on some of his economic policies in 1932. In May 1932, he introduced a system of kolkhoz markets where peasants could trade their surplus produce. At the same time, penal sanctions became more severe; at Stalin's instigation, in August 1932 a decree was introduced meaning that the theft of even a handful of grain could be a capital offense. The second five-year plan had its production quotas reduced from that of the first, with the main emphasis now being on improving living conditions. It therefore emphasised the expansion of housing space and the production of consumer goods. Like its predecessor, this Plan was repeatedly amended to meet changing situations; there was for instance an increasing emphasis placed on armament production after Adolf Hitler became German Chancellor in 1933.
The Soviet Union experienced a major famine which peaked in the winter of 1932–33; between five and seven million people died. Worst affected were Ukraine and the North Caucasus, although the famine also affected Kazakhstan and several Russian provinces. Historians have long debated whether Stalin's government had intended the famine to occur or not; there are no known documents in which Stalin or his government explicitly called for starvation to be used against the population. The 1931 and 1932 harvests had been poor ones due to weather conditions, and had followed several years in which lower productivity had resulted in a gradual decline in output. Government policies—including the focus on rapid industrialisation, the socialisation of livestock, and the emphasis on sown areas over crop rotation—exacerbated the problem; the state had also failed to build reserve grain stocks for such an emergency. Stalin blamed the famine on hostile elements and wreckers within the peasantry; his government provided small amounts of food to famine-struck rural areas, although this was wholly insufficient to deal with the levels of starvation. In keeping with their ideology, the Communists believed that food supplies should be prioritised for the urban workforce; for Stalin, the fate of Soviet industrialisation was far more important than the lives of the peasantry. Grain exports, which were a major means of Soviet payment for machinery, declined heavily. Stalin would not acknowledge that his policies had contributed to the famine, the existence of which was denied to foreign observers.
Ideological and foreign affairs
In 1935–36, Stalin oversaw a new constitution; its dramatic liberal features were designed as propaganda weapons, for all power rested in the hands of Stalin and his Politburo. He declared that "socialism, which is the first phase of communism, has basically been achieved in this country". In 1938, The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), colloquially known as the Short Course, was released; Conquest later referred to it as the "central text of Stalinism". A number of authorised Stalin biographies were also published, although Stalin generally wanted to be portrayed as the embodiment of the Communist Party rather than have his life story explored. During the later 1930s, Stalin placed "a few limits on the worship of his own greatness". By 1938, Stalin's inner circle had gained a degree of stability, containing the personalities who would remain there until Stalin's death.
Seeking improved international relations, in 1934 the Soviet Union secured membership of the League of Nations, of which it had previously been excluded. Stalin initiated confidential communications with Hitler in October 1933, shortly after the latter came to power in Germany. Stalin admired Hitler, particularly his manoeuvres to remove rivals within the Nazi Party in the Night of the Long Knives. Stalin nevertheless recognised the threat posed by fascism and sought to establish better links with the liberal democracies of Western Europe; in May 1935, the Soviets signed a treaty of mutual assistance with France and Czechoslovakia. At the Communist International's 7th Congress, held in July–August 1935, the Soviet government encouraged Marxist-Leninists to unite with other leftists as part of a popular front against fascism. In turn, the anti-communist governments of Germany, Fascist Italy and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936.
When the Spanish Civil War broke out in July 1936, the Soviets sent 648 aircraft and 407 tanks to the left-wing Republican faction; these were accompanied by 3000 Soviet troops and 42,000 members of the International Brigades set up by the Communist International. Stalin took a strong personal involvement in the Spanish situation. Germany and Italy backed the Nationalist faction, which was ultimately victorious in March 1939. With the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in July 1937, the Soviet Union and China signed a non-aggression pact the following August. Stalin aided the Chinese as the KMT and the Communists had suspended their civil war and formed the desired United Front.
The Great Terror
Stalin often gave conflicting signals regarding state repression. In May 1933, he released from prison many convicted of minor offenses, ordering the security services not to enact further mass arrests and deportations. In September 1934, he launched a commission to investigate false imprisonments; that same month he called for the execution of workers at the Stalin Metallurgical Factory accused of spying for Japan. This mixed approach began to change in December 1934, after prominent party member Sergey Kirov was murdered. After the murder, Stalin became increasingly concerned by the threat of assassination, improved his personal security, and rarely went out in public. State repression intensified after Kirov's death; Stalin instigated this, reflecting his prioritisation of security above other considerations. Stalin issued a decree establishing NKVD troikas which could mete out rulings without involving the courts. In 1935, he ordered the NKVD to expel suspected counter-revolutionaries from urban areas; in early 1935, over 11,000 were expelled from Leningrad. In 1936, Nikolai Yezhov became head of the NKVD.
Stalin orchestrated the arrest of many former opponents in the Communist Party as well as sitting members of the Central Committee: denounced as Western-backed mercenaries, many were imprisoned or exiled internally. The first Moscow Trial took place in August 1936; Kamenev and Zinoviev were among those accused of plotting assassinations, found guilty in a show trial, and executed. The second Moscow Show Trial took place in January 1937, and the third in March 1938, in which Bukharin and Rykov were accused of involvement in the alleged Trotskyite-Zinovievite terrorist plot and sentenced to death. By late 1937, all remnants of collective leadership were gone from the Politburo, which was controlled entirely by Stalin. There were mass expulsions from the party, with Stalin commanding foreign communist parties to also purge anti-Stalinist elements.
During the 1930s and 1940s, NKVD groups assassinated defectors and opponents abroad; in August 1940, Trotsky was assassinated in Mexico, eliminating the last of Stalin's opponents among the former Party leadership. In May, this was followed by the arrest of most members of the military Supreme Command and mass arrests throughout the military, often on fabricated charges. These purges replaced most of the party's old guard with younger officials who did not remember a time before Stalin's leadership and who were regarded as more personally loyal to him. Party functionaries readily carried out their commands and sought to ingratiate themselves with Stalin to avoid becoming the victim of the purge. Such functionaries often carried out a greater number of arrests and executions than their quotas set by Stalin's central government.
Repressions further intensified in December 1936 and remained at a high level until November 1938, a period known as the Great Purge. By the latter part of 1937, the purges had moved beyond the party and were affecting the wider population. In July 1937, the Politburo ordered a purge of "anti-Soviet elements" in society, targeting anti-Stalin Bolsheviks, former Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, priests, ex-White Army soldiers, and common criminals. That month, Stalin and Yezhov signed Order No. 00447, listing 268,950 people for arrest, of whom 75,950 were executed. He also initiated "national operations", the ethnic cleansing of non-Soviet ethnic groups—among them Poles, Germans, Latvians, Finns, Greeks, Koreans, and Chinese—through internal or external exile. During these years, approximately 1.6 million people were arrested, 700,000 were shot, and an unknown number died under NKVD torture.
Stalin initiated all key decisions during the Terror, personally directing many of its operations and taking an interest in their implementation. His motives in doing so have been much debated by historians. His personal writings from the period were — according to Khlevniuk — "unusually convoluted and incoherent", filled with claims about enemies encircling him. He was particularly concerned at the success that right-wing forces had in overthrowing the leftist Spanish government, fearing a domestic fifth column in the event of future war with Japan and Germany. The Great Terror ended when Yezhov was removed as the head of the NKVD, to be replaced by Lavrentiy Beria, a man totally devoted to Stalin. Yezhov was arrested in April 1939 and executed in 1940. The Terror damaged the Soviet Union's reputation abroad, particularly among sympathetic leftists. As it wound down, Stalin sought to deflect responsibility from himself, blaming its "excesses" and "violations of law" on Yezhov. According to historian James Harris, contemporary archival research shows that the motivation behind the purges was not Stalin attempting to establish his own personal dictatorship; evidence suggests he was committed to building the socialist state envisioned by Lenin. The real motivation for the terror, according to Harris, was an over-exaggerated fear of counterrevolution.
World War II
Pact with Nazi Germany: 1939–1941
As a Marxist–Leninist, Stalin expected an inevitable conflict between competing capitalist powers; after Nazi Germany annexed Austria and then part of Czechoslovakia in 1938, Stalin recognised a war was looming. He sought to maintain Soviet neutrality, hoping that a German war against France and Britain would lead to Soviet dominance in Europe. Militarily, the Soviets also faced a threat from the east, with Soviet troops clashing with the expansionist Japanese in the latter part of the 1930s. Stalin initiated a military build-up, with the Red Army more than doubling between January 1939 and June 1941, although in its haste to expand many of its officers were poorly trained. Between 1940 and 1941 he also purged the military, leaving it with a severe shortage of trained officers when war broke out.
As Britain and France seemed unwilling to commit to an alliance with the Soviet Union, Stalin saw a better deal with the Germans. On 3 May 1939, Stalin replaced his western-oriented foreign minister Maxim Litvinov with Vyacheslav Molotov. In May 1939, Germany began negotiations with the Soviets, proposing that Eastern Europe be divided between the two powers. Stalin saw this as an opportunity both for territorial expansion and temporary peace with Germany. In August 1939, the Soviet Union signed a non-aggression pact with Germany, negotiated by Soviet foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov and German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop. A week later, Germany invaded Poland, sparking the UK and France to declare war on it. On 17 September, the Red Army entered eastern Poland, officially to restore order amid the collapse of the Polish state. On 28 September, Germany and the Soviet Union exchanged some of their newly conquered territories; Germany gained the linguistically Polish-dominated areas of Lublin Province and part of Warsaw Province while the Soviets gained Lithuania. A German–Soviet Frontier Treaty was signed shortly after, in Stalin's presence. The two states continued trading, undermining the British blockade of Germany.
The Soviets further demanded parts of eastern Finland, but the Finnish government refused. The Soviets invaded Finland in November 1939, yet despite numerical inferiority, the Finns kept the Red Army at bay. International opinion backed Finland, with the Soviets being expelled from the League of Nations. Embarrassed by their inability to defeat the Finns, the Soviets signed an interim peace treaty, in which they received territorial concessions from Finland. In June 1940, the Red Army occupied the Baltic states, which were forcibly merged into the Soviet Union in August; they also invaded and annexed Bessarabia and northern Bukovina, parts of Romania. The Soviets sought to forestall dissent in these new East European territories with mass repressions. One of the most noted instances was the Katyn massacre of April and May 1940, in which around 22,000 members of the Polish armed forces, police, and intelligentsia were executed.
The speed of the German victory over and occupation of France in mid-1940 took Stalin by surprise. He increasingly focused on appeasement with the Germans to delay any conflict with them. After the Tripartite Pact was signed by Axis Powers Germany, Japan and Italy, in October 1940, Stalin proposed that the USSR also join the Axis alliance. To demonstrate peaceful intentions toward Germany, in April 1941 the Soviets signed a neutrality pact with Japan. Although de facto head of government for a decade and a half, Stalin concluded that relations with Germany had deteriorated to such an extent that he needed to deal with the problem as de jure head of government as well: on 6 May, Stalin replaced Molotov as Premier of the Soviet Union.
German invasion: 1941–1942
In June 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, initiating the war on the Eastern Front. Although intelligence agencies had repeatedly warned him of Germany's intentions, Stalin was taken by surprise. He formed a State Defense Committee, which he headed as Supreme Commander, as well as a military Supreme Command (Stavka), with Georgy Zhukov as its Chief of Staff. The German tactic of blitzkrieg was initially highly effective; the Soviet air force in the western borderlands was destroyed within two days. The German Wehrmacht pushed deep into Soviet territory; soon, Ukraine, Belorussia, and the Baltic states were under German occupation, and Leningrad was under siege; and Soviet refugees were flooding into Moscow and surrounding cities. By July, Germany's Luftwaffe was bombing Moscow, and by October the Wehrmacht was amassing for a full assault on the capital. Plans were made for the Soviet government to evacuate to Kuibyshev, although Stalin decided to remain in Moscow, believing his flight would damage troop morale. The German advance on Moscow was halted after two months of battle in increasingly harsh weather conditions.
Against the advice of Zhukov and other generals, Stalin emphasised attack over defence. In June 1941, he ordered a scorched earth policy of destroying infrastructure and food supplies before the Germans could seize them, also commanding the NKVD to kill around 100,000 political prisoners in areas the Wehrmacht approached. He purged the military command; several high-ranking figures were demoted or reassigned and others were arrested and executed. With Order No. 270, Stalin commanded soldiers risking capture to fight to the death describing the captured as traitors; among those taken as a prisoner of war by the Germans was Stalin's son Yakov, who died in their custody. Stalin issued Order No. 227 in July 1942, which directed that those retreating unauthorised would be placed in "penal battalions" used as cannon fodder on the front lines. Amid the fighting, both the German and Soviet armies disregarded the law of war set forth in the Geneva Conventions; the Soviets heavily publicised Nazi massacres of communists, Jews, and Romani. Stalin exploited Nazi anti-Semitism, and in April 1942 he sponsored the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC) to garner Jewish and foreign support for the Soviet war effort.
The Soviets allied with the United Kingdom and United States; although the US joined the war against Germany in 1941, little direct American assistance reached the Soviets until late 1942. Responding to the invasion, the Soviets intensified their industrial enterprises in central Russia, focusing almost entirely on production for the military. They achieved high levels of industrial productivity, outstripping that of Germany. During the war, Stalin was more tolerant of the Russian Orthodox Church, allowing it to resume some of its activities and meeting with Patriarch Sergius in September 1943. He also permitted a wider range of cultural expression, notably permitting formerly suppressed writers and artists like Anna Akhmatova and Dmitri Shostakovich to disperse their work more widely. The Internationale was dropped as the country's national anthem, to be replaced with a more patriotic song. The government increasingly promoted Pan-Slavist sentiment, while encouraging increased criticism of cosmopolitanism, particularly the idea of "rootless cosmopolitanism", an approach with particular repercussions for Soviet Jews. Comintern was dissolved in 1943, and Stalin encouraged foreign Marxist–Leninist parties to emphasise nationalism over internationalism to broaden their domestic appeal.
In April 1942, Stalin overrode Stavka by ordering the Soviets' first serious counter-attack, an attempt to seize German-held Kharkov in eastern Ukraine. This attack proved unsuccessful. That year, Hitler shifted his primary goal from an overall victory on the Eastern Front, to the goal of securing the oil fields southern Soviet Union crucial to a long-term German war effort. While Red Army generals saw evidence that Hitler would shift efforts south, Stalin considered this to be a flanking move in a renewed effort to take Moscow. In June 1942, the German Army began a major offensive in Southern Russia, threatening Stalingrad; Stalin ordered the Red Army to hold the city at all costs. This resulted in the protracted Battle of Stalingrad. In December 1942, he placed Konstantin Rokossovski in charge of holding the city. In February 1943, the German troops attacking Stalingrad surrendered. The Soviet victory there marked a major turning point in the war; in commemoration, Stalin declared himself Marshal of the Soviet Union.
Soviet counter-attack: 1942–1945
By November 1942, the Soviets had begun to repulse the important German strategic southern campaign and, although there were 2.5 million Soviet casualties in that effort, it permitted the Soviets to take the offensive for most of the rest of the war on the Eastern Front. Germany attempted an encirclement attack at Kursk, which was successfully repulsed by the Soviets. By the end of 1943, the Soviets occupied half of the territory taken by the Germans from 1941 to 1942. Soviet military industrial output also had increased substantially from late 1941 to early 1943 after Stalin had moved factories well to the east of the front, safe from German invasion and aerial assault.
In Allied countries, Stalin was increasingly depicted in a positive light over the course of the war. In 1941, the London Philharmonic Orchestra performed a concert to celebrate his birthday, and in 1942, Time magazine named him "Man of the Year". When Stalin learned that people in Western countries affectionately called him "Uncle Joe" he was initially offended, regarding it as undignified. There remained mutual suspicions between Stalin, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who were together known as the "Big Three". Churchill flew to Moscow to visit Stalin in August 1942 and again in October 1944. Stalin scarcely left Moscow throughout the war, with Roosevelt and Churchill frustrated with his reluctance to travel to meet them.
In November 1943, Stalin met with Churchill and Roosevelt in Tehran, a location of Stalin's choosing. There, Stalin and Roosevelt got on well, with both desiring the post-war dismantling of the British Empire. At Tehran, the trio agreed that to prevent Germany rising to military prowess yet again, the German state should be broken up. Roosevelt and Churchill also agreed to Stalin's demand that the German city of Königsberg be declared Soviet territory. Stalin was impatient for the UK and US to open up a Western Front to take the pressure off of the East; they eventually did so in mid-1944. Stalin insisted that, after the war, the Soviet Union should incorporate the portions of Poland it occupied pursuant to the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Germany, which Churchill opposed. Discussing the fate of the Balkans, later in 1944 Churchill agreed to Stalin's suggestion that after the war, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, and Yugoslavia would come under the Soviet sphere of influence while Greece would come under that of the West.
In 1944, the Soviet Union made significant advances across Eastern Europe toward Germany, including Operation Bagration, a massive offensive in the Byelorussian SSR against the German Army Group Centre. In 1944 the German armies were pushed out of the Baltic states, which were then re-annexed into the Soviet Union. As the Red Army reconquered the Caucasus and Crimea, various ethnic groups living in the region—the Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingushi, Karachai, Balkars, and Crimean Tatars—were accused of having collaborated with the Germans. Using the idea of collective responsibility as a basis, Stalin's government abolished their autonomous republics and between late 1943 and 1944 deported the majority of their populations to Central Asia and Siberia. Over one million people were deported as a result of the policy.
In February 1945, the three leaders met at the Yalta Conference. Roosevelt and Churchill conceded to Stalin's demand that Germany pay the Soviet Union 20 billion dollars in reparations, and that his country be permitted to annex Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands in exchange for entering the war against Japan. An agreement was also made that a post-war Polish government should be a coalition consisting of both communist and conservative elements. Privately, Stalin sought to ensure that Poland would come fully under Soviet influence. The Red Army withheld assistance to Polish resistance fighters battling the Germans in the Warsaw Uprising, with Stalin believing that any victorious Polish militants could interfere with his aspirations to dominate Poland through a future Marxist government. Although concealing his desires from the other Allied leaders, Stalin placed great emphasis on capturing Berlin first, believing that this would enable him to bring more of Europe under long-term Soviet control. Churchill was concerned that this was the case, and unsuccessfully tried to convince the US that the Western Allies should pursue the same goal.
In April 1945, the Red Army seized Berlin, Hitler committed suicide, and Germany surrendered in May. Stalin had wanted Hitler captured alive; he had his remains brought to Moscow to prevent them becoming a relic for Nazi sympathisers. As the Red Army had conquered German territory, they discovered the extermination camps that the Nazi administration had run. Many Soviet soldiers engaged in looting, pillaging, and rape, both in Germany and parts of Eastern Europe. Stalin refused to punish the offenders. After receiving a complaint about this from Yugoslav communist Milovan Djilas, Stalin asked how after experiencing the traumas of war a soldier could "react normally? And what is so awful in his having fun with a woman, after such horrors?"
With Germany defeated, Stalin switched focus to the war with Japan, transferring half a million troops to the Far East. Stalin was pressed by his allies to enter the war and wanted to cement the Soviet Union's strategic position in Asia. On 8 August, in between the US atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Soviet army invaded Japanese-occupied Manchuria and defeated the Kwantung Army. These events led to the Japanese surrender and the war's end. Soviet forces continued to expand until they occupied all their territorial concessions, but the U.S. rebuffed Stalin's desire for the Red Army to take a role in the Allied occupation of Japan.
Stalin attended the Potsdam Conference in July–August 1945, alongside his new British and U.S. counterparts, Prime Minister Clement Attlee and President Harry Truman. At the conference, Stalin repeated previous promises to Churchill that he would refrain from a "Sovietization" of Eastern Europe. Stalin pushed for reparations from Germany without regard to the base minimum supply for German citizens' survival, which worried Truman and Churchill who thought that Germany would become a financial burden for Western powers. He also pushed for "war booty", which would permit the Soviet Union to directly seize property from conquered nations without quantitative or qualitative limitation, and a clause was added permitting this to occur with some limitations. Germany was divided into four zones: Soviet, U.S., British, and French, with Berlin itself—located within the Soviet area—also subdivided thusly.
Post-war reconstruction and famine: 1945–1947
After the war, Stalin was—according to Service—at the "apex of his career". Within the Soviet Union he was widely regarded as the embodiment of victory and patriotism. His armies controlled Central and Eastern Europe up to the River Elbe. In June 1945, Stalin adopted the title of Generalissimus, and stood atop Lenin's Mausoleum to watch a celebratory parade led by Zhukov through Red Square. At a banquet held for army commanders, he described the Russian people as "the outstanding nation" and "leading force" within the Soviet Union, the first time that he had unequivocally endorsed the Russians over other Soviet nationalities. In 1946, the state published Stalin's Collected Works. In 1947, it brought out a second edition of his official biography, which eulogised him to a greater extent than its predecessor. He was quoted in Pravda on a daily basis and pictures of him remained pervasive on the walls of workplaces and homes.
Despite his strengthened international position, Stalin was cautious about internal dissent and desire for change among the population. He was also concerned about his returning armies, who had been exposed to a wide range of consumer goods in Germany, much of which they had looted and brought back with them. In this he recalled the 1825 Decembrist Revolt by Russian soldiers returning from having defeated France in the Napoleonic Wars. He ensured that returning Soviet prisoners of war went through "filtration" camps as they arrived in the Soviet Union, in which 2,775,700 were interrogated to determine if they were traitors. About half were then imprisoned in labour camps. In the Baltic states, where there was much opposition to Soviet rule, de-kulakisation and de-clericalisation programs were initiated, resulting in 142,000 deportations between 1945 and 1949. The Gulag system of labour camps was expanded further. By January 1953, three percent of the Soviet population was imprisoned or in internal exile, with 2.8 million in "special settlements" in isolated areas and another 2.5 million in camps, penal colonies, and prisons.
The NKVD were ordered to catalogue the scale of destruction during the war. It was established that 1,710 Soviet towns and 70,000 villages had been destroyed. The NKVD recorded that between 26 and 27 million Soviet citizens had been killed, with millions more being wounded, malnourished, or orphaned. In the war's aftermath, some of Stalin's associates suggested modifications to government policy. Post-war Soviet society was more tolerant than its pre-war phase in various respects. Stalin allowed the Russian Orthodox Church to retain the churches it had opened during the war. Academia and the arts were also allowed greater freedom than they had prior to 1941. Recognising the need for drastic steps to be taken to combat inflation and promote economic regeneration, in December 1947 Stalin's government devalued the ruble and abolished the ration-book system. Capital punishment was abolished in 1947 but reinstalled in 1950.
Stalin's health was deteriorating, and heart problems forced a two-month vacation in the latter part of 1945. He grew increasingly concerned that senior political and military figures might try to oust him; he prevented any of them from becoming powerful enough to rival him and had their apartments bugged with listening devices. He demoted Molotov, and increasingly favoured Beria and Malenkov for key positions. In 1949, he brought Nikita Khrushchev from Ukraine to Moscow, appointing him a Central Committee secretary and the head of the city's party branch. In the Leningrad Affair, the city's leadership was purged amid accusations of treachery; executions of many of the accused took place in 1950.
In the post-war period there were often food shortages in Soviet cities, and the USSR experienced a major famine from 1946 to 1947. Sparked by a drought and ensuing bad harvest in 1946, it was exacerbated by government policy towards food procurement, including the state's decision to build up stocks and export food internationally rather than distributing it to famine hit areas. Current estimates indicate that between one million and 1.5 million people died from malnutrition or disease as a result. While agricultural production stagnated, Stalin focused on a series of major infrastructure projects, including the construction of hydroelectric plants, canals, and railway lines running to the polar north. Much of this was constructed by prison labour.
Cold War policy: 1947–1950
In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Empire declined, leaving the U.S. and USSR as the dominant world powers. Tensions among these former Allies grew, resulting in the Cold War. Although Stalin publicly described the British and U.S. governments as aggressive, he thought it unlikely that a war with them would be imminent, believing that several decades of peace was likely. He nevertheless secretly intensified Soviet research into nuclear weaponry, intent on creating an atom bomb. Still, Stalin foresaw the undesirability of a nuclear conflict, saying in 1949 that "atomic weapons can hardly be used without spelling the end of the world." He personally took a keen interest in the development of the weapon. In August 1949, the bomb was successfully tested in the deserts outside Semipalatinsk in Kazakhstan. Stalin also initiated a new military build-up; the Soviet army was expanded from 2.9 million soldiers, as it stood in 1949, to 5.8 million by 1953.
The US began pushing its interests on every continent, acquiring air force bases in Africa and Asia and ensuring pro-U.S. regimes took power across Latin America. It launched the Marshall Plan in June 1947, with which it sought to undermine Soviet hegemony in eastern Europe. The US also offered financial assistance as part of the Marshall Plan on the condition that they opened their markets to trade, aware that the Soviets would never agree. The Allies demanded that Stalin withdraw the Red Army from northern Iran. He initially refused, leading to an international crisis in 1946, but one year later Stalin finally relented and moved the Soviet troops out. Stalin also tried to maximise Soviet influence on the world stage, unsuccessfully pushing for Libya—recently liberated from Italian occupation—to become a Soviet protectorate. He sent Molotov as his representative to San Francisco to take part in negotiations to form the United Nations, insisting that the Soviets have a place on the Security Council. In April 1949, the Western powers established the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), an international military alliance of capitalist countries. Within Western countries, Stalin was increasingly portrayed as the "most evil dictator alive" and compared to Hitler.
In 1948, Stalin edited and rewrote sections of Falsifiers of History, published as a series of Pravda articles in February 1948 and then in book form. Written in response to public revelations of the 1939 Soviet alliance with Germany, it focused on blaming Western powers for the war. He erroneously claimed that the initial German advance in the early part of the war was not a result of Soviet military weakness, but rather a deliberate Soviet strategic retreat. In 1949, celebrations took place to mark Stalin's seventieth birthday (albeit not the correct year) at which Stalin attended an event in the Bolshoi Theatre alongside Marxist–Leninist leaders from across Europe and Asia.
After the war, Stalin sought to retain Soviet dominance across Eastern Europe while expanding its influence in Asia. Cautiously regarding the responses from the Western Allies, Stalin avoided immediately installing Communist Party governments across Eastern Europe, instead initially ensuring that Marxist-Leninists were placed in coalition ministries. In contrast to his approach to the Baltic states, he rejected the proposal of merging the new communist states into the Soviet Union, rather recognising them as independent nation-states. He was faced with the problem that there were few Marxists left in Eastern Europe, with most having been killed by the Nazis. He demanded that war reparations be paid by Germany and its Axis allies Hungary, Romania, and the Slovak Republic. Aware that these countries had been pushed toward socialism through invasion rather than by proletarian revolution, Stalin referred to them not as "dictatorships of the proletariat" but as "people's democracies", suggesting that in these countries there was a pro-socialist alliance combining the proletariat, peasantry, and lower middle-class.
Churchill observed that an "Iron Curtain" had been drawn across Europe, separating the east from the west. In September 1947, a meeting of East European communist leaders was held in Szklarska Poręba, Poland, from which was formed Cominform to co-ordinate the Communist Parties across Eastern Europe and also in France and Italy. Stalin did not personally attend the meeting, sending Zhdanov in his place. Various East European communists also visited Stalin in Moscow. There, he offered advice on their ideas; for instance he cautioned against the Yugoslav idea for a Balkan federation incorporating Bulgaria and Albania. Stalin had a particularly strained relationship with Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito due to the latter's continued calls for Balkan federation and for Soviet aid for the communist forces in the ongoing Greek Civil War. In March 1948, Stalin launched an anti-Tito campaign, accusing the Yugoslav communists of adventurism and deviating from Marxist–Leninist doctrine. At the second Cominform conference, held in Bucharest in June 1948, East European communist leaders all denounced Tito's government, accusing them of being fascists and agents of Western capitalism. Stalin ordered several assassination attempts on Tito's life and contemplated invading Yugoslavia.
Stalin suggested that a unified, but demilitarised, German state be established, hoping that it would either come under Soviet influence or remain neutral. When the US and UK remained opposed to this, Stalin sought to force their hand by blockading Berlin in June 1948. He gambled that the others would not risk war, but they airlifted supplies into West Berlin until May 1949, when Stalin relented and ended the blockade. In September 1949 the Western powers transformed Western Germany into an independent Federal Republic of Germany; in response the Soviets formed East Germany into the German Democratic Republic in October. In accordance with their earlier agreements, the Western powers expected Poland to become an independent state with free democratic elections. In Poland, the Soviets merged various socialist parties into the Polish United Workers' Party, and vote rigging was used to ensure that it secured office. The 1947 Hungarian elections were also rigged, with the Hungarian Working People's Party taking control. In Czechoslovakia, where the communists did have a level of popular support, they were elected the largest party in 1946. Monarchy was abolished in Bulgaria and Romania. Across Eastern Europe, the Soviet model was enforced, with a termination of political pluralism, agricultural collectivisation, and investment in heavy industry. It was aimed for economic autarky within the Eastern Bloc.
In October 1949, Mao took power in China. With this accomplished, Marxist governments now controlled a third of the world's land mass. Privately, Stalin revealed that he had underestimated the Chinese Communists and their ability to win the civil war, instead encouraging them to make another peace with the KMT. In December 1949, Mao visited Stalin. Initially Stalin refused to repeal the Sino-Soviet Treaty of 1945, which significantly benefited the Soviet Union over China, although in January 1950 he relented and agreed to sign a new treaty between the two countries. Stalin was concerned that Mao might follow Tito's example by pursuing a course independent of Soviet influence, and made it known that if displeased he would withdraw assistance from China; the Chinese desperately needed said assistance after decades of civil war.
At the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union and the United States divided up the Korean Peninsula, formerly a Japanese colonial possession, along the 38th parallel, setting up a communist government in the north and a pro-Western government in the south. North Korean leader Kim Il-sung visited Stalin in March 1949 and again in March 1950; he wanted to invade the south and although Stalin was initially reluctant to provide support, he eventually agreed by May 1950. The North Korean Army launched the Korean War by invading the south in June 1950, making swift gains and capturing Seoul. Both Stalin and Mao believed that a swift victory would ensue. The U.S. went to the UN Security Council—which the Soviets were boycotting over its refusal to recognise Mao's government—and secured military support for the South Koreans. U.S. led forces pushed the North Koreans back. Stalin wanted to avoid direct Soviet conflict with the U.S., convincing the Chinese to aid the North.
The Soviet Union was one of the first nations to extend diplomatic recognition to the newly created state of Israel in 1948. When the Israeli ambassador Golda Meir arrived in the USSR, Stalin was angered by the Jewish crowds who gathered to greet her. He was further angered by Israel's growing alliance with the U.S. After Stalin fell out with Israel, he launched an anti-Jewish campaign within the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc. In November 1948, he abolished the JAC, and show trials took place for some of its members. The Soviet press engaged in attacks on Zionism, Jewish culture, and "rootless cosmopolitanism", with growing levels of anti-Semitism being expressed across Soviet society. Stalin's increasing tolerance of anti-Semitism may have stemmed from his increasing Russian nationalism or from the recognition that anti-Semitism had proved a useful mobilising tool for Hitler and that he could do the same; he may have increasingly viewed the Jewish people as a "counter-revolutionary" nation whose members were loyal to the U.S. There were rumours, although they have never been substantiated, that Stalin was planning on deporting all Soviet Jews to the Jewish Autonomous Region in Birobidzhan, eastern Siberia.
Final years: 1950–1953
In his later years, Stalin was in poor health. He took increasingly long holidays; in 1950 and again in 1951 he spent almost five months vacationing at his Abkhazian dacha. Stalin nevertheless mistrusted his doctors; in January 1952 he had one imprisoned after they suggested that he should retire to improve his health. In September 1952, several Kremlin doctors were arrested for allegedly plotting to kill senior politicians in what came to be known as the Doctors' Plot; the majority of the accused were Jewish. He instructed the arrested doctors to be tortured to ensure confession. In November, the Slánský trial took place in Czechoslovakia as 13 senior Communist Party figures, 11 of them Jewish, were accused and convicted of being part of a vast Zionist-American conspiracy to subvert Eastern Bloc governments. That same month, a much publicised trial of accused Jewish industrial wreckers took place in Ukraine. In 1951, he initiated the Mingrelian affair, a purge of the Georgian branch of the Communist Party which resulted in over 11,000 deportations.
From 1946 until his death, Stalin only gave three public speeches, two of which lasted only a few minutes. The amount of written material that he produced also declined. In 1950, Stalin issued the article "Marxism and Problems of Linguistics", which reflected his interest in questions of Russian nationhood. In 1952, Stalin's last book, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, was published. It sought to provide a guide to leading the country for after his death. In October 1952, Stalin gave an hour and a half speech at the Central Committee plenum. There, he emphasised what he regarded as leadership qualities necessary in the future and highlighted the weaknesses of various potential successors, particularly Molotov and Mikoyan. In 1952, he also eliminated the Politburo and replaced it with a larger version which he called the Presidium.
Death, funeral and aftermath: 1953
On 1 March 1953, Stalin's staff found him semi-conscious on the bedroom floor of his Volynskoe dacha. He had suffered a cerebral hemorrhage. He was moved onto a couch and remained there for three days. He was hand-fed using a spoon, given various medicines and injections, and leeches were applied to him. Svetlana and Vasily were called to the dacha on 2 March; the latter was drunk and angrily shouted at the doctors, resulting in him being sent home. Stalin died on 5 March 1953. According to Svetlana, it had been "a difficult and terrible death". An autopsy revealed that he had died of a cerebral hemorrhage and that he also suffered from severe damage to his cerebral arteries due to atherosclerosis. It is possible that Stalin was murdered. Beria has been suspected of murder, although no firm evidence has ever appeared.
Stalin's death was announced on 6 March. The body was embalmed, and then placed on display in Moscow's House of Unions for three days. Crowds were such that a crush killed around 100 people. The funeral involved the body being laid to rest in Lenin's Mausoleum in Red Square on 9 March; hundreds of thousands attended. That month featured a surge in arrests for "anti-Soviet agitation" as those celebrating Stalin's death came to police attention. The Chinese government instituted a period of official mourning for Stalin's death.
Stalin left no anointed successor nor a framework within which a transfer of power could take place. The Central Committee met on the day of his death, with Malenkov, Beria, and Khruschev emerging as the party's key figures. The system of collective leadership was restored, and measures introduced to prevent any one member attaining autocratic domination again. The collective leadership included the following eight senior members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union listed according to the order of precedence presented formally on 5 March 1953: Georgy Malenkov, Lavrentiy Beria, Vyacheslav Molotov, Kliment Voroshilov, Nikita Khrushchev, Nikolai Bulganin, Lazar Kaganovich and Anastas Mikoyan. Reforms to the Soviet system were immediately implemented. Economic reform scaled back the mass construction projects, placed a new emphasis on house building, and eased the levels of taxation on the peasantry to stimulate production. The new leaders sought rapprochement with Yugoslavia and a less hostile relationship with the U.S., pursuing a negotiated end to the Korean War in July 1953. The doctors who had been imprisoned were released and the anti-Semitic purges ceased. A mass amnesty for those imprisoned for non-political crimes was issued, halving the country's inmate population, while the state security and Gulag systems were reformed, with torture being banned in April 1953.
Stalin claimed to have embraced Marxism at the age of fifteen, and it served as the guiding philosophy throughout his adult life; according to Kotkin, Stalin held "zealous Marxist convictions", while Montefiore suggested that Marxism held a "quasi-religious" value for Stalin. Although he never became a Georgian nationalist, during his early life elements from Georgian nationalist thought blended with Marxism in his outlook. The historian Alfred J. Rieber noted that he had been raised in "a society where rebellion was deeply rooted in folklore and popular rituals". Stalin believed in the need to adapt Marxism to changing circumstances; in 1917, he declared that "there is dogmatic Marxism and there is creative Marxism. I stand on the ground of the latter". Volkogonov believed that Stalin's Marxism was shaped by his "dogmatic turn of mind", suggesting that this had been instilled in the Soviet leader during his education in religious institutions. According to scholar Robert Service, Stalin's "few innovations in ideology were crude, dubious developments of Marxism". Some of these derived from political expediency rather than any sincere intellectual commitment; Stalin would often turn to ideology post hoc to justify his decisions. Stalin referred to himself as a praktik, meaning that he was more of a practical revolutionary than a theoretician.
As a Marxist and an extreme anti-capitalist, Stalin believed in an inevitable "class war" between the world's proletariat and bourgeoise. He believed that the working classes would prove successful in this struggle and would establish a dictatorship of the proletariat, regarding the Soviet Union as an example of such a state. He also believed that this proletarian state would need to introduce repressive measures against foreign and domestic "enemies" to ensure the full crushing of the propertied classes, and thus the class war would intensify with the advance of socialism. As a propaganda tool, the shaming of "enemies" explained all inadequate economic and political outcomes, the hardships endured by the populace, and military failures. The new state would then be able to ensure that all citizens had access to work, food, shelter, healthcare, and education, with the wastefulness of capitalism eliminated by a new, standardised economic system. According to Sandle, Stalin was "committed to the creation of a society that was industrialised, collectivised, centrally planned and technologically advanced."
Stalin adhered to the Leninist variant of Marxism. In his book, Foundations of Leninism, he stated that "Leninism is the Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and of the proletarian revolution". He claimed to be a loyal Leninist, although was—according to Service—"not a blindly obedient Leninist". Stalin respected Lenin, but not uncritically, and spoke out when he believed that Lenin was wrong. During the period of his revolutionary activity, Stalin regarded some of Lenin's views and actions as being the self-indulgent activities of a spoiled émigré, deeming them counterproductive for those Bolshevik activists based within the Russian Empire itself. After the October Revolution, they continued to have differences. Whereas Lenin believed that all countries across Europe and Asia would readily unite as a single state following proletariat revolution, Stalin argued that national pride would prevent this, and that different socialist states would have to be formed; in his view, a country like Germany would not readily submit to being part of a Russian-dominated federal state. Stalin biographer Oleg Khlevniuk nevertheless believed that the pair developed a "strong bond" over the years, while Kotkin suggested that Stalin's friendship with Lenin was "the single most important relationship in Stalin's life". After Lenin's death, Stalin relied heavily on Lenin's writings—far more so than those of Marx and Engels—to guide him in the affairs of state. Stalin adopted the Leninist view on the need for a revolutionary vanguard who could lead the proletariat rather than being led by them. Leading this vanguard, he believed that the Soviet peoples needed a strong, central figure—akin to a Tsar—whom they could rally around. In his words, "the people need a Tsar, whom they can worship and for whom they can live and work". He read about, and admired, two Tsars in particular: Ivan the Terrible and Peter the Great. In the personality cult constructed around him, he was known as the vozhd, an equivalent to the Italian duce and German fuhrer.
Stalinism was a development of Leninism, and while Stalin avoided using the term "Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism", he allowed others to do so. Following Lenin's death, Stalin contributed to the theoretical debates within the Communist Party, namely by developing the idea of "Socialism in One Country". This concept was intricately linked to factional struggles within the party, particularly against Trotsky. He first developed the idea in December 1924 and elaborated upon in his writings of 1925–26. Stalin's doctrine held that socialism could be completed in Russia but that its final victory there could not be guaranteed because of the threat from capitalist intervention. For this reason, he retained the Leninist view that world revolution was still a necessity to ensure the ultimate victory of socialism. Although retaining the Marxist belief that the state would wither away as socialism transformed into pure communism, he believed that the Soviet state would remain until the final defeat of international capitalism. This concept synthesised Marxist and Leninist ideas with nationalist ideals, and served to discredit Trotsky—who promoted the idea of "permanent revolution"—by presenting the latter as a defeatist with little faith in Russian workers' abilities to construct socialism.
Stalin viewed nations as contingent entities which were formed by capitalism and could merge into others. Ultimately he believed that all nations would merge into a single, global human community, and regarded all nations as inherently equal. In his work, he stated that "the right of secession" should be offered to the ethnic-minorities of the Russian Empire, but that they should not be encouraged to take that option. He was of the view that if they became fully autonomous, then they would end up being controlled by the most reactionary elements of their community; as an example he cited the largely illiterate Tatars, whom he claimed would end up dominated by their mullahs. Stalin argued that the Jews possessed a "national character" but were not a "nation" and were thus unassimilable. He argued that Jewish nationalism, particularly Zionism, was hostile to socialism. According to Khlevniuk, Stalin reconciled Marxism with great-power imperialism and therefore expansion of the empire makes him a worthy to the Russian tsars. Service argued that Stalin's Marxism was imbued with a great deal of Russian nationalism. According to Montefiore, Stalin's embrace of the Russian nation was pragmatic, as the Russians were the core of the population of the USSR; it was not a rejection of his Georgian origins. Stalin's push for Soviet westward expansion into eastern Europe resulted in accusations of Russian imperialism.
Personal life and characteristics
Stalin brutally, artfully, indefatigably built a personal dictatorship within the Bolshevik dictatorship. Then he launched and saw through a bloody socialist remaking of the entire former empire, presided over a victory in the greatest war in human history, and took the Soviet Union to the epicentre of global affairs. More than for any other historical figure, even Gandhi or Churchill, a biography of Stalin... eventually comes to approximate a history of the world.
— Stephen Kotkin
Ethnically Georgian, Stalin grew up speaking the Georgian language, and did not begin learning Russian until the age of eight or nine. He remained proud of his Georgian identity, and throughout his life retained a heavy Georgian accent when speaking Russian. According to Montefiore, despite Stalin's affinity for Russia and Russians, he remained profoundly Georgian in his lifestyle and personality. Stalin's colleagues described him as "Asiatic", and he told a Japanese journalist that "I am not a European man, but an Asian, a Russified Georgian". Service also noted that Stalin "would never be Russian", could not credibly pass as one, and never tried to pretend that he was. Montefiore was of the view that "after 1917, [Stalin] became quadri-national: Georgian by nationality, Russian by loyalty, internationalist by ideology, Soviet by citizenship."
Stalin had a soft voice, and when speaking Russian did so slowly, carefully choosing his phrasing. In private he used coarse language, although avoided doing so in public. Described as a poor orator, according to Volkogonov, Stalin's speaking style was "simple and clear, without flights of fancy, catchy phrases or platform histrionics". He rarely spoke before large audiences, and preferred to express himself in written form. His writing style was similar, being characterised by its simplicity, clarity, and conciseness. Throughout his life, he used various nicknames and pseudonyms, including "Koba", "Soselo", and "Ivanov", adopting "Stalin" in 1912; it was based on the Russian word for "steel" and has often been translated as "Man of Steel".
In adulthood, Stalin measured 5 feet 4 inches (1.63 m) tall. To appear taller, he wore stacked shoes, and stood on a small platform during parades. His mustached face was pock-marked from smallpox during childhood; this was airbrushed from published photographs. He was born with a webbed left foot, and his left arm had been permanently injured in childhood which left it shorter than his right and lacking in flexibility, which was probably the result of being hit, at the age of 12, by a horse-drawn carriage. During his youth, Stalin cultivated a scruffy appearance in rejection of middle-class aesthetic values. He grew his hair long and often wore a beard; for clothing, he often wore a traditional Georgian chokha or a red satin shirt with a grey coat and red fedora. From mid-1918 until his death he favoured military-style clothing, in particular long black boots, light-coloured collarless tunics, and a gun. He was a lifelong smoker, who smoked both a pipe and cigarettes. He had few material demands and lived plainly, with simple and inexpensive clothing and furniture; his interest was in power rather than wealth.
As Soviet leader, Stalin typically awoke around 11 am, with lunch being served between 3 and 5 pm and dinner no earlier than 9 pm; he then worked late into the evening. He often dined with other Politburo members and their families. As leader, he rarely left Moscow unless to go to one of his dachas; he disliked travel, and refused to travel by plane. His choice of favoured holiday house changed over the years, although he holidayed in southern parts of the USSR every year from 1925 to 1936 and again from 1945 to 1951. Along with other senior figures, he had a dacha at Zubalova, 35 km outside Moscow, although ceased using it after Nadya's 1932 suicide. After 1932, he favoured holidays in Abkhazia, being a friend of its leader, Nestor Lakoba. In 1934, his new Kuntsevo Dacha was built; 9 km from the Kremlin, it became his primary residence. In 1935 he began using a new dacha provided for him by Lakoba at Novy Afon; in 1936, he had the Kholodnaya Rechka dacha built on the Abkhazian coast, designed by Miron Merzhanov.
Trotsky and several other Soviet figures promoted the idea that Stalin was a mediocrity. This gained widespread acceptance outside the Soviet Union during his lifetime but was misleading. According to Montefiore, "it is clear from hostile and friendly witnesses alike that Stalin was always exceptional, even from childhood". Stalin had a complex mind, great self-control, and an excellent memory. He was a hard worker, and displayed a keen desire to learn; when in power, he scrutinised many details of Soviet life, from film scripts to architectural plans and military hardware. According to Volkogonov, "Stalin's private life and working life were one and the same"; he did not take days off from political activities.
Stalin could play different roles to different audiences, and was adept at deception, often deceiving others as to his true motives and aims. Several historians have seen it appropriate to follow Lazar Kaganovich's description of there being "several Stalins" as a means of understanding his multi-faceted personality. He was a good organiser, with a strategic mind, and judged others according to their inner strength, practicality, and cleverness. He acknowledged that he could be rude and insulting, although rarely raised his voice in anger; as his health deteriorated in later life he became increasingly unpredictable and bad tempered. Despite his tough-talking attitude, he could be very charming; when relaxed, he cracked jokes and mimicked others. Montefiore suggested that this charm was "the foundation of Stalin's power in the Party".
Stalin was ruthless, temperamentally cruel, and had a propensity for violence high even among the Bolsheviks. He lacked compassion, something Volkogonov suggested might have been accentuated by his many years in prison and exile, although he was capable of acts of kindness to strangers, even amid the Great Terror. He was capable of self-righteous indignation, and was resentful, vindictive, and vengeful, holding onto grievances against others for many years. By the 1920s, he was also suspicious and conspiratorial, prone to believing that people were plotting against him and that there were vast international conspiracies behind acts of dissent. He never attended torture sessions or executions, although Service thought Stalin "derived deep satisfaction" from degrading and humiliating people and keeping even close associates in a state of "unrelieved fear". Montefiore thought Stalin's brutality marked him out as a "natural extremist"; Service suggested he had a paranoid or sociopathic personality disorder. Other historians linked his brutality not to any personality trait, but to his unwavering commitment to the survival of the Soviet Union and the international Marxist–Leninist cause.
It is hard for me to reconcile the courtesy and consideration he showed me personally with the ghastly cruelty of his wholesale liquidations. Others, who did not know him personally, see only the tyrant in Stalin. I saw the other side as well – his high intelligence, that fantastic grasp of detail, his shrewdness and his surprising human sensitivity that he was capable of showing, at least in the war years. I found him better informed than Roosevelt, more realistic than Churchill, in some ways the most effective of the war leaders... I must confess that for me Stalin remains the most inscrutable and contradictory character I have known – and leave the final word to the judgment of history.
Keenly interested in the arts, Stalin admired artistic talent. He protected several Soviet writers, such as Mikhail Bulgakov, even when their work was labelled harmful to his regime. He enjoyed music, owning around 2,700 albums, and frequently attending the Bolshoi Theatre during the 1930s and 1940s. His taste in music and theatre was conservative, favouring classical drama, opera, and ballet over what he dismissed as experimental "formalism". He also favoured classical forms in the visual arts, disliking avant-garde styles like cubism and futurism. He was a voracious reader, with a library of over 20,000 books. Little of this was fiction, although he could cite passages from Alexander Pushkin, Nikolay Nekrasov, and Walt Whitman by heart. He favoured historical studies, keeping up with debates in the study of Russian, Mesopotamian, ancient Roman, and Byzantine history. An autodidact, he claimed to read as many as 500 pages a day, with Montefiore regarding him as an intellectual. Stalin also enjoyed watching films late at night at cinemas installed in the Kremlin and his dachas. He favoured the Western genre; his favourite film was the 1938 picture Volga Volga.
Stalin was a keen and accomplished billiards player, and collected watches. He also enjoyed practical jokes; he for instance would place a tomato on the seat of Politburo members and wait for them to sit on it. When at social events, he encouraged singing, as well as alcohol consumption; he hoped that others would drunkenly reveal their secrets to him. As an infant, Stalin displayed a love of flowers, and later in life he became a keen gardener. His Volynskoe suburb had a 50-acre park, with Stalin devoting much attention to its agricultural activities.
Stalin publicly condemned anti-Semitism, although was repeatedly accused of it. People who knew him, such as Khrushchev, suggested he long harbored negative sentiments toward Jews, and anti-Semitic trends in his policies were further fueled by Stalin's struggle against Trotsky. After Stalin's death, Khrushchev claimed that Stalin encouraged him to incite anti-Semitism in Ukraine, allegedly telling him that "the good workers at the factory should be given clubs so they can beat the hell out of those Jews." In 1946, Stalin allegedly said privately that "every Jew is a potential spy." Conquest stated that although Stalin had Jewish associates, he promoted anti-Semitism. Service cautioned that there was "no irrefutable evidence" of anti-Semitism in Stalin's published work, although his private statements and public actions were "undeniably reminiscent of crude antagonism towards Jews"; he added that throughout Stalin's lifetime, the Georgian "would be the friend, associate or leader of countless individual Jews". According to Beria, Stalin had affairs with several Jewish women.
Relationships and family
Friendship was important to Stalin, and he used it to gain and maintain power. Kotkin observed that Stalin "generally gravitated to people like himself: parvenu intelligentsia of humble background". He gave nicknames to his favourites, for instance referring to Yezhov as "my blackberry". Stalin was sociable and enjoyed a joke. According to Montefiore, Stalin's friendships "meandered between love, admiration, and venomous jealousy". While head of the Soviet Union he remained in contact with many of his old friends in Georgia, sending them letters and gifts of money.
Stalin was attracted to women and there are no reports of any homosexual tendencies; according to Montefiore, in his early life Stalin "rarely seems to have been without a girlfriend". He was sexually promiscuous, although rarely talked about his sex life. Montefiore noted that Stalin's favoured types were "young, malleable teenagers or buxom peasant women", who would be supportive and unchallenging toward him. According to Service, Stalin "regarded women as a resource for sexual gratification and domestic comfort". Stalin married twice and had several offspring.
Stalin married his first wife, Ekaterina Svanidze, in 1906. According to Montefiore, theirs was "a true love match"; Volkogonov suggested that she was "probably the one human being he had really loved". When she died Stalin said "This creature softened my heart of stone." They had a son, Yakov, who often frustrated and annoyed Stalin. Yakov had a daughter, Galina, before fighting for the Red Army in the Second World War. He was captured by the German Army and then committed suicide.
Stalin's second wife was Nadezhda Alliluyeva; theirs was not an easy relationship, and they often fought. They had two biological children—a son, Vasily, and a daughter, Svetlana—and adopted another son, Artyom Sergeev, in 1921. During his marriage to Nadezhda, Stalin had affairs with many other women, most of whom were fellow revolutionaries or their wives. Nadezdha suspected that this was the case, and committed suicide in 1932. Stalin regarded Vasily as spoiled and often chastised his behaviour; as Stalin's son, Vasily nevertheless was swiftly promoted through the ranks of the Red Army and allowed a lavish lifestyle. Conversely, Stalin had an affectionate relationship with Svetlana during her childhood, and was also very fond of Artyom. In later life, he disapproved of Svetlana's various suitors and husbands, putting a strain on his relationship with her. After the Second World War he made little time for his children and his family played a decreasingly important role in his life. After Stalin's death, Svetlana changed her surname from Stalin to Allilueva, and defected to the U.S.
After Nadezdha's death, Stalin became increasingly close to his sister-in-law Zhenya Alliluyeva; Montefiore believed that they were probably lovers. There are unproven rumours that from 1934 onward he had a relationship with his housekeeper Valentina Istomina. Stalin had at least two illegitimate children, although he never recognised them as being his. One of them, Konstantin Kuzakov, later taught philosophy at the Leningrad Military Mechanical Institute, but never met his father. The other, Alexander, was the son of Lidia Pereprygia; he was raised as the son of a peasant fisherman and the Soviet authorities made him swear never to reveal that Stalin was his biological father.
The historian Robert Conquest stated that Stalin, "perhaps[…] determined the course of the twentieth century" more than any other individual. Biographers like Service and Volkogonov have considered him an outstanding and exceptional politician; Montefiore labelled Stalin as "that rare combination: both 'intellectual' and killer", a man who was "the ultimate politician" and "the most elusive and fascinating of the twentieth-century titans". According to historian Kevin McDermott, interpretations of Stalin range from "the sycophantic and adulatory to the vitriolic and condemnatory". For most Westerners and anti-communist Russians, he is viewed overwhelmingly negatively as a mass murderer; for significant numbers of Russians and Georgians, he is regarded as a great statesman and state-builder.
Stalin strengthened and stabilised the Soviet Union; Service suggested that without him the country might have collapsed long before 1991. In under three decades, Stalin transformed the Soviet Union into a major industrial world power, one which could "claim impressive achievements" in terms of urbanisation, military strength, education, and Soviet pride. Under his rule, the average Soviet life expectancy grew due to improved living conditions, nutrition, and medical care; mortality rates declined. Although millions of Soviet citizens despised him, support for Stalin was nevertheless widespread throughout Soviet society.
Stalin's Soviet Union has been characterised as a totalitarian state, with Stalin its authoritarian leader. Various biographers have described him as a dictator, an autocrat, or accused him of practicing Caesarism. Montefiore argued that while Stalin initially ruled as part of a Communist Party oligarchy, in 1934 the Soviet government transformed from this oligarchy into a personal dictatorship, with Stalin only becoming "absolute dictator" between March and June 1937, when senior military and NKVD figures were eliminated. According to Kotkin, Stalin "built a personal dictatorship within the Bolshevik dictatorship". In both the Soviet Union and elsewhere he came to be portrayed as an "Oriental despot". The biographer Dmitri Volkogonov characterised him as "one of the most powerful figures in human history", while McDermott stated that Stalin had "concentrated unprecedented political authority in his hands", and Service noted that by the late 1930s, Stalin "had come closer to personal despotism than almost any monarch in history".
McDermott nevertheless cautioned against "over-simplistic stereotypes"—promoted in the fiction of writers like Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Vasily Grossman, and Anatoly Rybakov—that portrayed Stalin as an omnipotent and omnipresent tyrant who controlled every aspect of Soviet life through repression and totalitarianism. Service similarly warned of the portrayal of Stalin as an "unimpeded despot", noting that "powerful though he was, his powers were not limitless", and his rule depended on his willingness to conserve the Soviet structure he had inherited. Kotkin observed that Stalin's ability to remain in power relied on him having a majority in the Politburo at all times. Khlevniuk noted that at various points, particularly when Stalin was old and frail, there were "periodic manifestations" in which the party oligarchy threatened his autocratic control. Stalin denied to foreign visitors that he was a dictator, stating that those who labelled him such did not understand the Soviet governance structure.
A vast literature devoted to Stalin has been produced. During Stalin's lifetime, his approved biographies were largely hagiographic in content. Stalin ensured that these works gave very little attention to his early life, particularly because he did not wish to emphasise his Georgian origins in a state numerically dominated by Russians. Since his death many more biographies have been written, although until the 1980s these relied largely on the same sources of information. Under Mikhail Gorbachev's Soviet administration various previously classified files on Stalin's life were made available to historians, at which point Stalin became "one of the most urgent and vital issues on the public agenda" in the Soviet Union. After the dissolution of the Union in 1991, the rest of the archives were opened to historians, resulting in much new information about Stalin coming to light, and producing a flood of new research.
Leninists remain divided in their views on Stalin; some view him as Lenin's authentic successor, while others believe he betrayed Lenin's ideas by deviating from them. The socio-economic nature of Stalin's Soviet Union has also been much debated, varyingly being labelled a form of state socialism, state capitalism, bureaucratic collectivism, or a totally unique mode of production. Socialist writers like Volkogonov have acknowledged that Stalin's actions damaged "the enormous appeal of socialism generated by the October Revolution".
Death toll and allegations of genocide
With a high number of excess deaths occurring under his rule, Stalin has been labeled "one of the most notorious figures in history". These deaths occurred as a result of collectivisation, famine, terror campaigns, disease, war and mortality rates in the Gulag. As the majority of excess deaths under Stalin were not direct killings, the exact number of victims of Stalinism is difficult to calculate due to lack of consensus among scholars on which deaths can be attributed to the regime.
Official records reveal 799,455 documented executions in the Soviet Union between 1921 and 1953; 681,692 of these were carried out between 1937 and 1938, the years of the Great Purge. However, according to Michael Ellman, the best modern estimate for the number of repression deaths during the Great Purge is 950,000–1.2 million, which includes executions, deaths in detention, or soon after their release. In addition, while archival data shows that 1,053,829 perished in the Gulag from 1934 to 1953, the current historical consensus is that of the 18 million people who passed through the Gulag system from 1930 to 1953, between 1.5 and 1.7 million died as a result of their incarceration. The historian and archival researcher Stephen G. Wheatcroft and Michael Ellman attribute roughly 3 million deaths to the Stalinist regime, including executions and deaths from criminal negligence. Wheatcoft and historian Robert Davies estimate famine deaths at 5.5–6.5 million while scholar Steven Rosefielde gives a number of 8.7 million. The American historian Timothy D. Snyder in 2011 summarised modern data, made after the opening of the Soviet archives in the 1990s, and concludes that Stalin's regime was responsible for 9 million deaths, with 6 million of these being deliberate killings. He notes that the estimate is far lower than the estimates of 20 million or above which were made before access to the archives.
Historians continue to debate whether or not the 1932–33 Ukrainian famine—known in Ukraine as the Holodomor—should be called a genocide. Twenty-six countries officially recognise it under the legal definition of genocide. In 2006, the Ukrainian Parliament declared it to be such, and in 2010 a Ukrainian court posthumously convicted Stalin, Lazar Kaganovich, Stanislav Kosior, and other Soviet leaders of genocide. Popular among some Ukrainian nationalists is the idea that Stalin consciously organised the famine to suppress national desires among the Ukrainian people. This interpretation has been rejected by more recent historical studies. These have articulated the view that—while Stalin's policies contributed significantly to the high mortality rate—there is no evidence that Stalin or the Soviet government consciously engineered the famine. The idea that this was a targeted attack on the Ukrainians is complicated by the widespread suffering that also affected other Soviet peoples in the famine, including the Russians. Within Ukraine, ethnic Poles and Bulgarians died in similar proportions to ethnic Ukrainians. Despite any lack of clear intent on Stalin's part, the historian Norman Naimark noted that although there may not be sufficient "evidence to convict him in an international court of justice as a genocidaire[...] that does not mean that the event itself cannot be judged as genocide".
In the Soviet Union and its successor states
Shortly after his death, the Soviet Union went through a period of de-Stalinization. Malenkov denounced the Stalin personality cult, which was subsequently criticised in Pravda. In 1956, Khruschev gave his "Secret Speech", titled "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences", to a closed session of the Party's 20th Congress. There, Khrushchev denounced Stalin for both his mass repression and his personality cult. He repeated these denunciations at the 22nd Party Congress in October 1962. In October 1961, Stalin's body was removed from the mausoleum and buried in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis next to the Kremlin walls, the location marked only by a simple bust. Stalingrad was renamed Volgograd.
Khrushchev's de-Stalinisation process in Soviet society ended when he was replaced as leader by Leonid Brezhnev in 1964; the latter introduced a level of re-Stalinisation within the Soviet Union. In 1969 and again in 1979, plans were proposed for a full rehabilitation of Stalin's legacy, but on both occasions were defeated by critics within the Soviet and international Marxist–Leninist movement. Gorbachev saw the total denunciation of Stalin as necessary for the regeneration of Soviet society. After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the first President of the new Russian Federation, Boris Yeltsin, continued Gorbachev's denunciation of Stalin but added to it a denunciation of Lenin. His successor, Vladimir Putin, did not seek to rehabilitate Stalin but emphasised the celebration of Soviet achievements under Stalin's leadership rather than the Stalinist repressions; however, in October 2017 Putin opened the Wall of Grief memorial in Moscow, noting that the "terrible past" would neither be "justified by anything" nor "erased from the national memory".
Amid the social and economic turmoil of the post-Soviet period, many Russians viewed Stalin as having overseen an era of order, predictability, and pride. He remains a revered figure among many Russian nationalists, who feel nostalgic about the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany in World War II, and he is regularly invoked approvingly within both Russia's far-left and far-right. In the 2008 Name of Russia television show, Stalin was voted as the third most notable personality in Russian history. Polling by the Levada Center suggest Stalin's popularity has grown since 2015, with 46% of Russians expressing a favourable view of him in 2017 and 51% in 2019. At the same time, there was a growth in pro-Stalinist literature in Russia, much relying upon the misrepresentation or fabrication of source material. In this literature, Stalin's repressions are regarded either as a necessary measure to defeat "enemies of the people" or the result of lower-level officials acting without Stalin's knowledge.
The only part of the former Soviet Union where admiration for Stalin has remained consistently widespread is Georgia. Many Georgians resent criticism of Stalin, the most famous figure from their nation's modern history; a 2013 survey by Tbilisi University found 45% of Georgians expressing "a positive attitude" to him. Some positive sentiment can also be found elsewhere in the former Soviet Union. A 2012 survey commissioned by the Carnegie Endowment found 38% of Armenians concurring that their county "will always have need of a leader like Stalin". In early 2010 a new monument to Stalin was erected in Zaporizhia, Ukraine; in December unknown persons cut off its head and in 2011 it was destroyed in an explosion. In a 2016 Kiev International Institute of Sociology poll, 38% of respondents had a negative attitude to Stalin, 26% a neutral one and 17% a positive (19% refused to answer).