فمینیسم اصلاح نژادی

فمینیسم اصلاح نژادی یا یوژنیک فمینیسم (به انگلیسی: Eugenic feminism)، جزئی از جنبش حق رأی زنان بود که با اصلاح نژادی هم‌پوشانی داشت.^[۲] این اصطلاح توسط کالب سالیبی اصلاح نژاد‍ شناس ابداع شد،^[۳]^[۴]^[۵] و از آن زمان برای خلاصه کردن نظرات برخی از فمینیست‌های برجسته ایالات متحده استفاده می‌شود. فمینیسم اصلاح نژادی در اواخر دهه ۱۸۰۰ شروع به آغاز کرد و در دهه ۱۹۳۰، همراه با کاهش حمایت از خود اصلاح نژادی، کم‌رنگ شد.^[۶]^[۷] فمینیست های اصلاح نژاد استدلال می کردند که اگر زنان از حقوق و برابری بیشتری برخوردار شوند، می توان از ویژگی های رو به زوال یک نژاد جلوگیری کرد. آنها خواهان برابری جنسیتی بودند و برای ایجاد یک نژاد برتر بر قانون اصلاح نژاد و علم فشار آوردند تا به مصالحه برسند و دیدگاه های خود را برآورده کنند.

تاریخچه[ویرایش]

زمانی که فرانسیس گالتون اصلاح نژادی را تدوین کرد، زنان را به‌عنوان مجرای صرف برای انتقال صفات مطلوب از پدر به پسر دید. اصلاح‌طلبان بعدی، زنان را در نقش فعال‌تری دیدند و تأکید فزاینده‌ای بر زنان به‌عنوان «مادر نژاد» داشتند. تحقیقات جدید در علم وراثت و مطالعات تولید مثل، فرزندپروری و زادآوری انسان منجر به تغییراتی در تفکر اصلاح نژادی شد، که شروع به درک اهمیت زنان در آن بخش‌های چرخه زندگی انسان کرد. این تغییر در تأکید، در نهایت منجر به این شد که کالب سالیبی، اصطلاح فمینیسم اصلاح نژادی را در کتاب خود زن و زنانگی: جستجوی اصول (۱۹۱۱) ابداع کرد.^[۳]^[۴] سلیبی نوشت:

مشخصه صفحات بعدی این است که آن‌ها اصل چیزی را که می‌توانیم فمینیسم اصلاح‌طلبی بنامیم را در نظر گرفته‌اند، و تلاش می‌کنند تا کارکرد آن را فرموله کنند. کار من این است که خود را با ادبیات اصلاح نژاد و فمینیسم آشنا کنم و می‌دانم که تا کنون اصلاح‌طلبان تمایل به مخالفت با ادعاهای فمینیسم را داشته‌اند.

دورو ابداع سالیبی از فمینیسم اصلاح نژادی را «تا حدی یک استراتژی کلامی فریبنده» توصیف می‌کند که هدف آن « بازگرداندن فعالان حقوق زنان طبقه متوسط به خانه و وظیفه‌شان» بود.^[۱]

در دهه ۱۹۳۰، فمینیسم اصلاح نژادی شروع به افول کرد، زیرا فمینیست‌های اصلاح‌طلب شروع به درگیری با اصلاح‌طلبان جریان اصلی کردند و تا حد زیادی نتوانسته بود افکار عمومی را تحت‌تأثیر قرار دهد.^[۸]

جستارهای وابسته[ویرایش]

پانویس[ویرایش]

↑ ^۱٫۰ ^۱٫۱ Devereux, Cecily (2006). Growing a Race: Nellie L. McClung and the Fiction of Eugenic Feminism. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 9780773573048. OCLC 243600906.
↑ Rosario, Esther (2013-09-13). "Feminism". The Eugenics Archives (به انگلیسی). Archived from the original on 9 September 2019. Retrieved 27 October 2018.
↑ ^۳٫۰ ^۳٫۱ Saleeby, C. W. (Caleb Williams) (1911). "First Principles". Woman and Womanhood A Search for Principles (1 ed.). East 24th Street, New York, NY, USA: J. J. Little & Ives Co. MITCHELL KENNERLEY. p. 7. Retrieved 31 October 2018. The mark of the following pages is that they assume the principle of what we may call Eugenic Feminism{{cite book}}: نگهداری CS1: موقعیت (link)
↑ ^۴٫۰ ^۴٫۱ "Woman suffrage, eugenics, and eugenic feminism in Canada « Women Suffrage and Beyond". womensuffrage.org. Archived from the original on 2017-04-28. Retrieved 27 October 2018..
↑ Gibbons, S. "Women's suffrage". The Eugenics Archives (به انگلیسی). Retrieved 31 October 2018. Dr. Caleb Saleeby, an obstetrician and active member of the British Eugenics Education Society, opposed his contemporaries – such Sir Francis Galton – who took strong anti-feminist stances in their eugenic philosophies. Perceiving the feminist movement as potentially “ruinous to the race” if it continued to ignore the eugenics movement, he coined the term “eugenic feminism” in his 1911 text Woman and Womanhood: A Search for Principles
↑ Ziegler, Mary (2008). "Eugenic Feminism: Mental Hygiene, the Women's Movement, and the Campaign for Eugenic Legal Reform, 1900-1935". Harvard Journal of Law and Gender (به انگلیسی). 31: 211. SSRN 1646393. Several different visions of eugenic feminism were articulated between 1890 and 1930, but each found commonality in the argument that the eugenic decline of the race could be prevented only if women were granted greater political, social, sexual, and economic equality. This argument correlated gender equality with racial improvement: eugenic science and law had to guarantee some form of substantive gender equality in order to improve the race. Thus, in the years between 1915 and 1935, eugenic feminism existed distinct from, and in increasing tension with, mainstream eugenic science and policy. Ultimately, leading eugenic feminists could neither change the minds of a majority of the eugenic coalition nor resolve the contradictions inherent in their own eugenic theories. While they often argued that their reforms should be supported primarily as means to achieve a eugenic end, each leader held on to the very kinds of rights and equality-based arguments that mainstream eugenicists rejected. This contradiction contributed significantly to the decline and disappearance of eugenic feminism in the early and mid-1930s.
↑ Ziegler, Mary (2008). "Eugenic Feminism: Mental Hygiene, the Women's Movement, and the Campaign for Eugenic Legal Reform". Harvard Journal of Law and Gender. 31: 213.
↑ Ziegler, Mary (2008). "Eugenic Feminism: Mental Hygiene, the Women's Movement, and the Campaign for Eugenic Legal Reform, 1900-1935". Harvard Journal of Law and Gender (به انگلیسی). 31: 211. SSRN 1646393. Several different visions of eugenic feminism were articulated between 1890 and 1930, but each found commonality in the argument that the eugenic decline of the race could be prevented only if women were granted greater political, social, sexual, and economic equality. This argument correlated gender equality with racial improvement: eugenic science and law had to guarantee some form of substantive gender equality in order to improve the race. Thus, in the years between 1915 and 1935, eugenic feminism existed distinct from, and in increasing tension with, mainstream eugenic science and policy. Ultimately, leading eugenic feminists could neither change the minds of a majority of the eugenic coalition nor resolve the contradictions inherent in their own eugenic theories. While they often argued that their reforms should be supported primarily as means to achieve a eugenic end, each leader held on to the very kinds of rights and equality-based arguments that mainstream eugenicists rejected. This contradiction contributed significantly to the decline and disappearance of eugenic feminism in the early and mid-1930s.

برای مطالعه بیشتر[ویرایش]

Allen, Ann Taylor (2000). "Feminism and Eugenics in Germany and Britain, 1900-1940: A Comparative Perspective". German Studies Review. 23 (3): 477–505. doi:10.2307/1432830. JSTOR 1432830.
Devereux, Cecily. "Growing a Race: Nellie L. McClung and the Fiction of Eugenic Feminism." Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's UP, 2005.
Erika Dyck, “Sterilization and Birth Control in the Shadow of Eugenics: Married, Middle-Class Women in Alberta, 1930-1960s”, CBMH/BCHM 31, No. 1, 2014
Soloway, Richard A (1995). "The 'Perfect Contraceptive': Eugenics and Birth Control Research in Britain and America in the Interwar Years". Journal of Contemporary History. 30 (4): 637–664. doi:10.1177/002200949503000404. S2CID 159808391.
Moss, Erin L.; Stam, Henderikus J.; Kattevilder, Diane (2013). "Sterilization: Eugenics and the Women's Movement in 20th Century Alberta". Canadian Psychology. 54 (2): 105–14. doi:10.1037/a0032644.

[devereux3-1] ۱٫۰ ^۱٫۱ Devereux, Cecily (2006). Growing a Race: Nellie L. McClung and the Fiction of Eugenic Feminism. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 9780773573048. OCLC 243600906.

[eu-arch2-2] Rosario, Esther (2013-09-13). "Feminism". The Eugenics Archives (به انگلیسی). Archived from the original on 9 September 2019. Retrieved 27 October 2018.

[Saleeby2-3] ۳٫۰ ^۳٫۱ Saleeby, C. W. (Caleb Williams) (1911). "First Principles". Woman and Womanhood A Search for Principles (1 ed.). East 24th Street, New York, NY, USA: J. J. Little & Ives Co. MITCHELL KENNERLEY. p. 7. Retrieved 31 October 2018. The mark of the following pages is that they assume the principle of what we may call Eugenic Feminism{{cite book}}: نگهداری CS1: موقعیت (link)

[wsuffrage2-4] ۴٫۰ ^۴٫۱ "Woman suffrage, eugenics, and eugenic feminism in Canada « Women Suffrage and Beyond". womensuffrage.org. Archived from the original on 2017-04-28. Retrieved 27 October 2018..

[5] Gibbons, S. "Women's suffrage". The Eugenics Archives (به انگلیسی). Retrieved 31 October 2018. Dr. Caleb Saleeby, an obstetrician and active member of the British Eugenics Education Society, opposed his contemporaries – such Sir Francis Galton – who took strong anti-feminist stances in their eugenic philosophies. Perceiving the feminist movement as potentially “ruinous to the race” if it continued to ignore the eugenics movement, he coined the term “eugenic feminism” in his 1911 text Woman and Womanhood: A Search for Principles

[ziegler2-6] Ziegler, Mary (2008). "Eugenic Feminism: Mental Hygiene, the Women's Movement, and the Campaign for Eugenic Legal Reform, 1900-1935". Harvard Journal of Law and Gender (به انگلیسی). 31: 211. SSRN 1646393. Several different visions of eugenic feminism were articulated between 1890 and 1930, but each found commonality in the argument that the eugenic decline of the race could be prevented only if women were granted greater political, social, sexual, and economic equality. This argument correlated gender equality with racial improvement: eugenic science and law had to guarantee some form of substantive gender equality in order to improve the race. Thus, in the years between 1915 and 1935, eugenic feminism existed distinct from, and in increasing tension with, mainstream eugenic science and policy. Ultimately, leading eugenic feminists could neither change the minds of a majority of the eugenic coalition nor resolve the contradictions inherent in their own eugenic theories. While they often argued that their reforms should be supported primarily as means to achieve a eugenic end, each leader held on to the very kinds of rights and equality-based arguments that mainstream eugenicists rejected. This contradiction contributed significantly to the decline and disappearance of eugenic feminism in the early and mid-1930s.

[:422-7] Ziegler, Mary (2008). "Eugenic Feminism: Mental Hygiene, the Women's Movement, and the Campaign for Eugenic Legal Reform". Harvard Journal of Law and Gender. 31: 213.

[8] Ziegler, Mary (2008). "Eugenic Feminism: Mental Hygiene, the Women's Movement, and the Campaign for Eugenic Legal Reform, 1900-1935". Harvard Journal of Law and Gender (به انگلیسی). 31: 211. SSRN 1646393. Several different visions of eugenic feminism were articulated between 1890 and 1930, but each found commonality in the argument that the eugenic decline of the race could be prevented only if women were granted greater political, social, sexual, and economic equality. This argument correlated gender equality with racial improvement: eugenic science and law had to guarantee some form of substantive gender equality in order to improve the race. Thus, in the years between 1915 and 1935, eugenic feminism existed distinct from, and in increasing tension with, mainstream eugenic science and policy. Ultimately, leading eugenic feminists could neither change the minds of a majority of the eugenic coalition nor resolve the contradictions inherent in their own eugenic theories. While they often argued that their reforms should be supported primarily as means to achieve a eugenic end, each leader held on to the very kinds of rights and equality-based arguments that mainstream eugenicists rejected. This contradiction contributed significantly to the decline and disappearance of eugenic feminism in the early and mid-1930s.

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