سوسیالیسم دهقانی (انگلیسی: Agrarian socialism) یا کشاورزی یک ایدئولوژی سیاسی است که ترکیبی از یک راه کشاورزی از زندگی با یک نظام اقتصادی سوسیالیستی است.
اعضاء کلخوزها را کلخوزیها (به روسی: مردان را کلخوزنیک: колхозник و زنان را کلخوزنیتسا: колхозница) مینامیدند. این اعضاء بنا به تعداد روزهای کاری سهمی از محصول و سود مزرعه دریافت میکردند، در حالیکه در سوخوزها یعنی کشتزارهای دولتی، کارگران دستمزد مشخصی داشتند.
در کیبوتص، هر کسی به اندازه توان خود کار میکند و به اندازه نیازش از درآمد عمومی استفاده میکند. همه چیز کیبوتص، مال همه اهالی آن جامعه است و در عین حال، مال هیچیک از آنان نیست.
در کیبوتص «مالکیت خصوصی» وجود ندارد و مالکیت تنها «اشتراکی» است.
موشاو (به عبری: מושב) نوعی روستا و محل سکونت در اسرائیل است که با «مزرعه اشتراکی» کشاورزی اداره میشود و در آن هر خانواده مزرعه و خانه خویش را در تملک دارد، ولی برخی از وسایل تولیدی روستا بهطور اشتراکی در اختیار همه ساکنین موشاو قرار دارد.
When compared to standard socialist systems which are generally urban/industrial and more progressive in terms of social orientation, many agrarian socialist movements have tended to be rural (with an emphasis on decentralization and non-state forms of collective ownership), locally focused, and traditional/conservative.
The emphasis of agrarian socialists is therefore on social control, ownership and utilization of land, rather than other means of production, or by the national state.
Russian populist tradition and the Socialist Revolutionary Party
The Socialist Revolutionary Party was a major political party in early 20th century Russia and a key player in the Russian Revolution. After the February Revolution of 1917 it shared power with other liberal and democratic socialist forces within the Russian Provisional Government. In November 1917, it won a plurality of the national vote in Russia's first-ever democratic elections (to the Russian Constituent Assembly), but soon split and the remaining faction of this party which remained loyal to Alexander Kerensky was defeated and destroyed by the Bolsheviks in the course of the Russian Civil War and subsequent persecution.
The party's ideology was built upon the philosophical foundation of Russia's narodnik–Populist movement of the 1860s-70s and its worldview developed primarily by Alexander Herzen and Pyotr Lavrov. After a period of decline and marginalization in the 1880s, the Populist/narodnik school of thought about social change in Russia was revived and substantially modified by a group of writers and activists known as "neonarodniki" (neo-Populists), particularly Viktor Chernov. Their main innovation was a renewed dialogue with Marxism and the integration of some of the key Marxist concepts into their thinking and practice. In this way, with the economic spurt and industrialization in Russia in the 1890s, they attempted to broaden their appeal in order to attract the rapidly growing urban workforce to their traditionally peasant-oriented program. The intention was to widen the concept of the "people" so that it encompassed all elements in the society that were opposed to the Tsarist regime.
The party's program was both democratic socialist and agrarian socialist in nature; it garnered much support among Russia's rural peasantry, who in particular supported their program of land-socialization as opposed to the Bolshevik program of land-nationalization—division of land among peasant tenants rather than collectivization in state management. Their policy platform differed from that of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Parties—both Bolshevik and Menshevik—in that it was not officially Marxist (though some of its ideologues considered themselves such); the SRs believed that the "laboring peasantry", as well as the industrial proletariat, would be the revolutionary class in Russia. Whereas Russian SDs defined class membership in terms of ownership of the means of production, Chernov and other SR theorists defined class membership in terms of extraction of surplus value from labor. On the first definition, small-holding subsistence farmers who do not employ wage labor are, as owners of their land, members of the petty bourgeoisie; on the second definition, they can be grouped with all who provide, rather than purchase, labor-power, and hence with the proletariat as part of the "laboring class". Chernov nevertheless considered the proletariat the "vanguard", with the peasantry forming the "main body" of the revolutionary army.