حریدیها (به عبری: יהדות חרדית) بنیادگرایان شاخه یهودیت ارتدکس میباشند. آنان باورهایشان را بهطور مستقیم برگرفته از موسی و تورات نازل شده بر او در طور سینا میدانند. حدود یازده درصد جمعیت اسرائیل حریدیاند که اغلب در محلهها و شهرکهای تماماً ارتدوکسنشین زندگی میکنند.
کودکان حریدی در مدرسه عمدتاً تورات و تلمود میخوانند. پسرها باید در بزرگسالی و در حقیقت تا پایان عمر بیشتر وقتشان را صرف تحصیل این متون مذهبی کنند.
حریدیهای اسرائیل، که پیش از این به انزوای اجتماعی معروف بودند و بسیاری زندگیشان را وقف تحصیلات دینی میکردند، این روزها بیش از همیشه سراغ فناوری و کار در اینترنت و علوم رایانه میروند. جمعه شبها که شبات شروع میشود معتقدند که نباید از دستگاههای الکترونیک استفاده کنند. بسیاری از حریدیها در خانهشان تلویزیون و اینترنت یا کتاب و موسیقی غیرمذهبی ندارند.
یهودیان حریدی، به تفکیک جنسیِ مطلق باور دارند. برباور آنان، زنان باید لباسهای کاملاً پوشیده به تن داشته باشند و در اماکن عمومی، جدا از مردان بنشینند یا بایستند. مردان حریدی پیراهن سفید، شلوار سیاه، کت بلند سیاه و کلاه سیاه به تن میکنند – پوششی که از یهودیان روسیه و لهستان در قرن هجدهم میلادی میآید. زنان طوری لباس میپوشند که آرنج و زانوشان پوشیده باشد. بسیاری زنان متأهل کلاهگیس به سر میکنند که موی طبیعیشان دیده نشود.
Haredi Judaism (Hebrew: חֲרֵדִיḤaredi, IPA: [χaʁeˈdi]; also spelled Charedi, plural Haredim or Charedim) consists of groups within Orthodox Judaism characterized by a strict adherence to their interpretation of Jewish law and values as opposed to modern values and practices. Its members are often referred to as strictly Orthodox or ultra-Orthodox in English, although the term "ultra-Orthodox" is considered pejorative by many of its adherents. Haredi Jews regard themselves as the most religiously authentic group of Jews, although this claim is contested by other streams.
Haredi Judaism is a reaction to societal changes, including emancipation, the Haskalah movement derived from the Enlightenment, acculturation, secularization, religious reform in all its forms from mild to extreme, the rise of the Jewish national movements, etc. In contrast to Modern Orthodox Judaism, which accepted modernity, the approach of Haredi Judaism was to maintain a steadfast adherence both to Jewish Law and custom by segregating themselves from modern society. However, there are many Haredi communities in which getting a professional degree or establishing a business is encouraged, and contact exists between Haredi and non-Haredi Jews, as well as between Haredi Jews and non-Jews.
The term most commonly used by outsiders, including most American news organizations, is "ultra-Orthodox" Judaism.Hillel Halkin suggests the origins of the term may date to the 1950s, a period in which Haredi survivors of the Holocaust first began arriving in America. However, Isaac Leeser (1806–1868) was described in 1916 as "ultra-Orthodox".
Haredi is a Modern Hebrew adjective derived from the Biblical verb hared, which appears in the Book of Isaiah (66:2; its plural haredim appears in Isaiah 66:5) and is translated as "[one who] trembles" at the word of God. The word connotes an awe-inspired fear and anxiety to perform the will of God, and is used to describe staunchly Orthodox Jews (similar to the definition used by the Christian Quakers) and to distinguish them from other Orthodox Jews.
The word Haredi is often used in the Jewish diaspora in place of the term "ultra-Orthodox", which many view as inaccurate or offensive, it being seen as a derogatory term suggesting extremism; English-language alternatives that have been proposed include "fervently Orthodox", "strictly Orthodox", or "traditional Orthodoxy". Others, however, dispute the characterization of the term as pejorative.Ari L. Goldman, a professor at Columbia University, notes that the term simply serves a practical purpose to distinguish a specific part of the Orthodox community, and is not meant as pejorative. Others, such as Samuel Heilman, criticized terms such as "ultra-Orthodox" and "traditional Orthodox", arguing that they misidentify Haredi Jews as more authentically Orthodox than others, as opposed to adopting customs and practises that reflect their desire to separate from the outside world.
The community has sometimes been characterized as "Traditional Orthodox", in contradistinction to the Modern Orthodox, the other major branch of Orthodox Judaism (not to be confused with the movement represented by Union for Traditional Judaism, which is even more "modern" than the Modern Orthodox).
Haredi Jews also use other terms to refer to themselves. Common Yiddish words include Yidn (Jews) or erlekhe Yidn (virtuous Jews),Ben Torah (literally "son of the Torah"),frum (pious), and heimish (home-like, i. e., "our crowd").
In Israel, Haredi Jews are sometimes also called by the derogatory slang words dos (plural dosim), that mimics the traditional Ashkenazi Hebrew pronunciation of the Hebrew word datim, meaning religious, and more rarely, "blacks" (sh'chorim), a reference to the black clothes they typically wear; a related informal term used in English is "Black Hat".
According to its adherents, the forebears of the contemporary Haredi Jews were the traditionalists of Eastern Europe who fought against modernization. Indeed, adherents see their beliefs as part of an unbroken tradition dating from the revelation at Sinai. However, most historians of Orthodoxy consider Haredi Judaism, in its modern incarnation, to date back no earlier than the start of the 20th century.
For centuries, before Jewish emancipation, European Jews were forced to live in ghettos where Jewish culture and religious observance were preserved. Change began in the wake of the Age of Enlightenment when some European liberals sought to include the Jewish population in the emerging empires and nation states. The influence of the Haskalah movement (Jewish Enlightenment) was also evidence. Supporters of the Haskalah held that Judaism must change in keeping with the social changes around them. Other Jews insisted on strict adherence to halakha (Jewish law and custom).
Moses Sofer was opposed to any philosophical, social, or practical change to customary Orthodox practice. Thus, he did not allow any secular studies to be added to the curriculum of his Pressburg Yeshiva. Sofer's student Moshe Schick, together with Sofer's sons Shimon and Samuel Benjamin, took an active role in arguing against the Reform movement. Others, such as Hillel Lichtenstein, advocated an even more stringent position for Orthodoxy.
Schick demonstrated support in 1877 for the separatist policies of Samson Raphael Hirsch in Germany. Schick's own son was enrolled in the Hildesheimer Rabbinical Seminary that taught secular studies and was headed by Azriel Hildesheimer. Hirsch, however, did not reciprocate, and expressed astonishment at Schick's halakhic contortions in condemning even those Status Quo communities that clearly adhered to halakhah. Lichtenstein opposed Hildesheimer and his son Hirsh Hildesheimer as they made use of the German language in sermons from the pulpit and seemed to sway to the direction of Modern Zionism.
Shimon Sofer was somewhat more lenient than Lichtenstein on the use of German in sermons, allowing so only if it was a medium for keeping cordial relations with the various governments. Likewise, he allowed extra-curricular studies of the gymnasium for students whose rabbinical positions would be recognized by the governments, stipulating the necessity to prove the strict adherence to the God-fearing standards per individual case.
In 1924, Agudath Israel obtained 75 percent of the votes in the Kehilla elections.
The Orthodox community polled some 16,000 of a total 90,000 at the Knesseth Israel in 1929. But Sonnenfeld lobbied Sir John Chancellor, the High Commissioner, for separate representation in the Palestine Communities Ordinance from that of the Knesseth Israel. He explained that the Agudas Israel community would cooperate with the Vaad Leumi and the National Jewish Council in matters pertaining to the municipality, but sought to protect its religious convictions independently. The community petitioned the Permanent Mandates Commission of the League of Nations on this issue. The one community principle was victorious despite their opposition, but this is seen as the creation of the Haredi community in Israel separate from the other modern Orthodox and Zionist movements.
In 1932, Sonnenfeld was succeeded by Yosef Tzvi Dushinsky, a disciple of the Shevet Sofer, one of the grandchildren of Moses Sofer. Dushinsky promised to build up a strong Jewish Orthodoxy at peace with the other Jewish communities and the non-Jews.
In general, the present-day Haredi population originate from two distinct post-Holocaust waves:
The vast majority of Hasidic and Litvak communities were destroyed during the Holocaust. Though Hasidic customs have largely been preserved, the customs of Lithuanian Jewry, including its unique Hebrew pronunciation, have been almost lost. Litvish customs are still preserved primarily by the few older Jews who were born in Lithuania prior to the Holocaust. In the decade or so after 1945, there was a strong drive to revive and maintain these lifestyles by some notable Haredi leaders.
The Chazon Ish was particularly prominent in the early days of the State of Israel. Aharon Kotler established many of the Haredi schools and Yeshivas in the United States and Israel; and Joel Teitelbaum had a significant impact on revitalizing Hasidic Jewry, as well as many of the Jews who fled Hungary during 1956 revolution who became followers of his Satmar dynasty, and became the largest Hasidic group in the world. These Jews would typically only have maintained a connection with other religious family members. As such, those growing up in such families have little or no contact with non-Haredi Jews.
The second wave began in the 1970s associated with the religious revival of the so-called baal teshuva movement, although most of the newly religious become Orthodox, and not necessarily fully Haredi. The formation and spread of the Sephardic Haredi lifestyle movement also began in the 1980s by Ovadia Yosef, alongside the establishment of the Shas party in 1984. This led many Sephardi Jews to adopt the clothing and culture of the Lithuanian Haredi Judaism, though it had no historical basis in their own tradition. Many yeshivas were also established specifically for new adopters of the Haredi way of life.
The original Haredi population has been instrumental in the expansion of their lifestyle, though criticisms have been made of discrimination towards the later adopters of the Haredi lifestyle in Shidduchim (matchmaking) and the school system.
Practices and beliefs
Haredi Judaism is not an institutionally cohesive or homogeneous group, but comprises a diversity of spiritual and cultural orientations, generally divided into a broad range of Hasidic sects, Litvishe-Yeshivish streams from Eastern Europe, and Oriental Sephardic Haredi Jews. These groups often differ significantly from one another in their specific ideologies and lifestyles, as well as the degree of stringency in religious practice, rigidity of religious philosophy, and isolation from the general culture that they maintain.
The majority of the Haredi Jews worldwide live in neighborhoods in which reside mostly other Haredi Jews.
The practices and beliefs of Haredi Jews, which have been interpreted as "isolationist", can bring them into conflict with modern liberal values. In 2018, a Haredi school in the United Kingdom was rated as "inadequate" by the Office for Standards in Education, after repeated complaints were raised about the censoring of textbooks and exam papers mentioning homosexuality, containing examples of women socializing with men, pictures showing women's shoulders and legs, and information that contradicts a creationist worldview.
Haredi life, like Orthodox Jewish life in general, is very family-centered. Boys and girls attend separate schools, and proceed to higher Torah study, in a yeshiva or seminary, respectively, starting anywhere between the ages of 13 and 18. A significant proportion of young men remain in yeshiva until their marriage (which is usually arranged through facilitated dating). After marriage, many Haredi men continue their Torah studies in a kollel.
Studying in secular institutions is often discouraged, although educational facilities for vocational training in a Haredi framework do exist. In the United States and Europe, the majority of Haredi males are active in the workforce. For various reasons, in Israel, around half of their members do not work, and most of those who do are not officially a part of the workforce. Haredi families (and Orthodox Jewish families in general) are usually much larger than non-Orthodox Jewish families, with as many as twelve or more children.
The standard mode of dress for males of the Lithuanian stream is a black suit and a white shirt. Headgear includes black fedora or Homburg hats, with black skull caps under their hats. Pre-war Lithuanian yeshiva students, however, also wore light coloured suits, along with beige or grey hats. Beards are common among Haredi (and many other Orthodox Jewish) men, and most Hasidic males will never be clean-shaven.
Women adhere to the laws of modest dress, and wear long skirts and sleeves, high necklines, and, if married, some form of hair covering. Haredi women never wear trousers, although a small minority do wear pajama-trousers within the home at night.
Over the years, it has become popular among some Haredi women to wear wigs that are more attractive than their own hair (drawing criticism from some more conservative Haredi rabbis). Mainstream Sephardi Haredi rabbi Ovadia Yosef forbade the wearing of wigs altogether. Haredi women often dress more freely and casually within the home, as long as the body remains covered in accordance with the halakha. More "modernized" Haredi women are somewhat more lenient in matters of their dress, and some follow the latest trends and fashions while conforming to the halakha.
Non-Lithuanian Hasidic men and women differ from the Lithuanian stream by having a much more specific dress code, the most obvious difference for men being the full-length suit jacket (rekel) on weekdays, and the fur hat (shtreimel) and silk caftan (bekishe) on the Sabbath.
Haredi neighborhoods tend to be safe. In Israel, the entrances to some of the most extreme Haredi neighborhoods are fitted with signs asking that modest clothing be worn. Some areas are known to have "modesty patrols", and people dressed in ways perceived as immodest may suffer harassment, and advertisements featuring scantily dressed models may be targeted for vandalism. These concerns are also addressed through public lobbying and legal avenues.
In Rio de Janeiro, during the week long Rio Carnival, many Orthodox Jews feel compelled to leave the town due to the immodest exposure of participants. In 2001, Haredi campaigners in Jerusalem succeeded in persuading the Egged bus company to get all their advertisements approved by a special committee. By 2011, Egged had gradually removed all bus adverts that featured women in response to their continuous defacement. A court order that stated such action was discriminatory led to Egged's decision not to feature people at all (neither male nor female). Depictions of certain other creatures, such as aliens, were also banned in order not to offend Haredi sensibilities. Haredi Jews also campaign against other types of advertising that promote activities they deem offensive or inappropriate.
To honor the Shabbat, most state-run buses in Israel do not run on Saturdays. In a similar vein, Haredi Jews in Israel have demanded that the roads in their neighborhoods be closed on Saturdays, vehicular traffic being viewed as an "intolerable provocation" upon their religious lifestyle (see Driving on Shabbat in Jewish law). In most cases, the authorities granted permission after Haredi petitioning and demonstrations, some of them including fierce clashes between Haredi Jews and secular counter-demonstrators, and violence against police and motorists.
Gender-separate beach in Israel. To accommodate Haredi and other Orthodox Jews, many coastal resorts in Israel have a designated area for gender-separate bathing.
While Jewish modesty law requires gender separation under various circumstances, observers have contended that there is a growing trend among some groups of Hasidic Haredi Jews to extend its observance to the public arena.
In the Hasidic village of Kiryas Joel, New York, an entrance sign asks visitors to "maintain gender separation in all public areas", and the bus stops have separate waiting areas for men and women. In New Square, another Hasidic enclave, men and women are expected to walk on opposite sides of the road. In Israel, residents of Meah Shearim were banned from erecting a street barrier dividing men and women during the nightly week-long Sukkot festivities, and street signs requesting that women avoid certain pavements in Beit Shemesh have been repeatedly removed by the municipality.
Since 1973, buses catering for Haredi Jews running from Rockland County and Brooklyn into Manhattan have had separate areas for men and women, allowing passengers to conduct on-board prayer services. Although the lines are privately operated, they serve the general public, and in 2011, the set-up was challenged on grounds of discrimination, and the arrangement was deemed illegal. During 2010–2012, there was much public debate in Israel surrounding the existence of segregated Haredi Mehadrin bus lines (whose policy calls for both men and women to stay in their respective areas: men in the front of the bus, and women in the rear of the bus) following an altercation that occurred after a woman refused to move to the rear of the bus to sit among the women. A subsequent court ruling stated that while voluntary segregation should be allowed, forced separation is unlawful. Israeli national airline El Al has agreed to provide gender-separated flights to cater for Haredi requirements.
Education in the Haredi community is strictly segregated by sex. The education for boys is primarily focused on the study of Jewish scriptures, such as the Torah and Talmud, while girls obtain studies both in Jewish education as well as broader secular subjects.
In pre-war Poland, the Agudath Israel published its own Yiddish language paper, Dos Yiddishe Tagblatt. In 1950, the Agudah started printing Hamodia, a Hebrew language Israeli daily.
Haredi publications tend to shield their readership from objectionable material, and perceive themselves as a "counterculture", desisting from advertising secular entertainment and events. The editorial policy of a Haredi newspaper is determined by a rabbinical board, and every edition is checked by a rabbinical censor. A strict policy of modesty is characteristic of the Haredi press, and pictures of women are usually not printed. In 2009, the Israeli daily Yated Ne'eman doctored an Israeli cabinet photograph replacing two female ministers with images of men, and in 2013, the Bakehilah magazine pixelated the faces of women appearing in a photograph of the Warsaw Ghetto. The mainstream Haredi political party Shas also refrains from publishing female images.
No coverage is given to serious crime, violence, sex, or drugs, and little coverage is given to non-Orthodox streams of Judaism. Inclusion of "immoral" content is avoided, and when publication of such stories is a necessity, they are often written ambiguously. The Haredi press generally takes a non-Zionist stance, and gives more coverage to issues that concern the Haredi community, such as the drafting of girls and yeshiva students into the army, autopsies, and Shabbat observance. In Israel, it portrays the secular world as "spitefully anti-Semitic", and describes secular youth as "mindless, immoral, drugged, and unspeakably lewd". Such attacks have led to Haredi editors being warned about libelous provocations.
While the Haredi press is extensive and varied in Israel, only around half the Haredi population reads newspapers. Around 10% read secular newspapers, while 40% do not read any newspaper at all. According to a 2007 survey, 27% read the weekend Friday edition of HaModia, and 26% the Yated Ne'eman. In 2006, the most-read Haredi magazine in Israel was the Mishpacha weekly, which sold 110,000 copies.
In the modern era of the internet and cell phones, it can be confusing as to what is or is not considered kosher. The Haredi leaders have at times suggested a ban on the internet, as well as any internet-capable device. Their reasoning being that the immense amount of information can be corrupting, and with the ability to use the internet with no observation from the community can lead to individuation. However, these presented reasons by the Haredi leaders could be influenced by a general fear of the loss of young Haredi members.
Banning the internet for Haredi Jews could be a detriment to possible economic uses from Jewish businesses. Some Haredi businessman utilize the internet throughout the week, but they still observe Shabbat in every aspect by not accepting or processing orders from Friday evening to Saturday evening. They utilize the internet under strict filters and guidelines. Although Haredi leaders have been unsuccessful in their attempts of banning internet use, they have influenced the world of technology. The Kosher cell phone was introduced to the Jewish public with the sole ability to call other phones. It was unable to utilize the internet, text other phones, and had no camera feature. In fact, a kosher phone plan was created, with decreased rates for kosher-to-kosher calls, to encourage community.
News hotlines are an important source of news in the Haredi world. Since many Haredi Jews do not listen to the radio or have access to the internet, even if they read newspapers, they are left with little or no access to breaking news. News hotlines were formed to fill this gap, and many have expanded to additional fields over time. Currently, many news lines provide rabbinic lectures, entertainment, business advice, and similar services, in addition to their primary function of reporting the news. Many Hasidic sects maintain their own hotlines, where relevant internal news is reported and the group's perspective can be advocated for. In the Israeli Haredi community, there are dozens of prominent hotlines, in both Yiddish and Hebrew. Some Haredi hotlines have played significant public roles.
While most Haredi Jews were opposed to the establishment of the State of Israel, and Haredi Jews mostly still do not celebrate its national Independence Day or other state-instituted holidays, there were many who threw their considerable weight in support of the nascent state.
The chief political division among Haredi Jews has been in their approach to the State of Israel. While ideologically non-Zionist, the United Torah Judaism alliance comprising Agudat Yisrael and Degel HaTorah (and the umbrella organizations World Agudath Israel and Agudath Israel of America) represent a moderate and pragmatic stance of cooperation with the State of Israel, and participation in the political system. UTJ has been a participant in numerous coalition governments, seeking to influence state and society in a more religious direction and maintain welfare and religious funding policies. Haredim who are more stridently anti-Zionist are under the umbrella of Edah HaChareidis, who reject participation in politics and state funding of its affiliated institutions, in contradistinction to Agudah-affiliated institutions. Neturei Karta is a very small activist organization of anti-Zionist Haredim, whose controversial activities have been strongly condemned, including by other anti-Zionist Haredim. Neither main political party has the support in numbers to elect a majority government, and so, they both rely on support from the Haredi parties.
In recent years, some rebbes affiliated with Agudath Israel, such as the Sadigura rebbe Avrohom Yaakov Friedman, have taken more hard-line stances on security, settlements, and disengagement.
Shas represents Sephardi and Mizrahi Haredim, and, while having many points in common with Ashkenazi Haredim, differs from them by its more enthusiastic support for the State of Israel.
Divorces among Haredim are increasing in Israel; when the divorce is linked to one spouse leaving the community, the one who chooses to leave is often shunned from his or her communities and forced to abandon their children, as most courts prefer keeping children in an established status quo. The Haredi communities with the highest growth of divorce rate in Israel in 2017 were Beitar Illit and Kiryat Malachi.
Between 2007 and 2017, the number of Haredim studying in higher education had risen from 1,000 to 10,800.
In 2007, the Kemach Foundation was established to become an investor in the sector's social and economic development and provide opportunities for employment. Through the philanthropy of Leo Noé of London, later joined by the Wolfson family of New York and Elie Horn from Brazil, Kemach has facilitated academic and vocational training. With a $22m budget, including government funding, Kemach provides individualized career assessment, academic or vocational scholarships, and job placement for the entire Haredi population in Israel. The Foundation is managed by specialists who, coming from the Haredi sector themselves, are familiar with the community's needs and sensitivities. By April 2014, more than 17,800 Haredim have received the services of Kemach, and more than 7,500 have, or continue to receive, monthly scholarships to fund their academic or vocational studies. From 500 graduates, the net benefits to the government would be 80.8 million NIS if they work for one year, 572.3 million NIS if they work for 5 years, and 2.8 billion NIS (discounted) if they work for 30 years.
The Council for Higher Education announced in 2012 that it was investing NIS 180 million over the following five years to establish appropriate frameworks for the education of Haredim, focusing on specific professions. The largest Haredi campus in Israel is The Haredi Campus - The Academic College Ono.
Haredi demonstration against the conscription of yeshiva pupils
Upon the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, the nation's population of military-aged Haredi males were exempted from the universal conscription into the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) under the Torato Umanuto arrangement, which officially granted deferred entry into the IDF for yeshiva students, but in practice allowed young Haredi men to serve for a significantly reduced period of time or bypass military service altogether. At that time, only a small group of roughly 400 individuals was affected, since due to the historic opposition of Haredi Judaism to Zionism, the population of Haredim was very low. However, the Haredim are estimated to now make up 6-10% of Israel's Jewish population, and their absence from the IDF often attracts significant resentment from Israel's secular majority. The most common criticisms of the exemption policy are:
The Haredim can work in those 2–3 years of their lives in which they do not serve in the IDF, while most soldiers at the IDF are usually paid anywhere between $80–250 a month, in addition to clothing and lodging. All the while, Haredi yeshiva students receive significant monthly funds and payments for their religious studies.
The Haredim, if they so choose, can study at that time.
While a certain amount of Haredim have enlisted in the IDF every year in recent decades, the Haredim usually reject the concept and practice of IDF service. Contentions include:
A Yeshiva student is equal to or more important than a soldier in the IDF, because he keeps Jewish tradition alive and prays for the people of Israel to be safe.
The Torato Umanuto arrangement was enshrined in the Tal Law that came in force in 2002. The High Court of Justice later ruled that it could not be extended in its current form beyond August 2012. A replacement was expected. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) was, however, experiencing a shortage of personnel, and there were pressures to reduce the scope of the Torato Omanuto exemption.
The Shahar program, also known as Shiluv Haredim ("Ultra-Orthodox integration") allows Haredi men aged 22 to 26 to serve in the army for about a year and a half. At the beginning of their service, they study mathematics and English, which are not well covered in Haredi schools. The program is partly aimed at encouraging Haredi participation in the workforce after military service. However, not all beneficiaries seem to be Haredim.
Over the years, as many as 1000 Haredi Jews have chosen to volunteer to serve in the IDF, in a Haredi Jewish unit, the Netzah Yehuda Battalion, also known as Nahal Haredi. The vast majority of Haredi men, however, continue to receive deferments from military service.
In March 2014, Israel's parliament approved legislation to end exemptions from military service for Haredi seminary students. The bill was passed by 65 votes to one, and an amendment allowing civilian national service by 67 to one.
There has been much uproar in Haredi society following actions towards Haredi conscription. While some Haredim see this as a great social and economic opportunity, others (including leading rabbis among them) strongly oppose this move. Among the extreme Haredim, there have been some more severe reactions. Several Haredi leaders have threatened that Haredi populations would leave the country if forced to enlist. Others have fueled public incitement against Seculars and National-Religious Jews, and specifically against politicians Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, who support and promote Haredi enlistment. Some Haredim have taken to threatening fellow Haredim who agree to enlist, to the point of physically attacking some of them.
As of 2012[update], it was estimated that 37% of Haredi men and 49% of Haredi women in Israel were employed. The more recent figures from the Central Bureau of Statistics on employment rates place Haredi women at 69.3%, comparable to 71% for the women's national figure; while the number of working Haredi men has increased to 44.5%, it is still far below the 81.5% of men nationwide.
The Trajtenberg Committee, charged in 2011 with drafting proposals for economic and social change, called, among other things, for increasing employment among the Haredi population. Its proposals included encouraging military or national service and offering college prep courses for volunteers, creating more employment centers targeting Haredim and experimental matriculation prep courses after Yeshiva hours. The committee also called for increasing the number of Haredi students receiving technical training through the Industry, Trade and Labor Ministry and forcing Haredi schools to carry out standardized testing, as is done at other public schools. It is estimated that half as many of the Haredi community are in employment as the rest of population. This has led to increasing financial deprivation, and 50% of children within the community live below the poverty line. This puts strain on each family, the community, and often the Israeli economy.
The demographic trend indicates the community will constitute an increasing percentage of the population, and consequently, Israel faces an economic challenge in the years ahead due to fewer people in the labor force. A report commissioned by the Treasury found that the Israeli economy may lose more than six billion shekels annually as a result of low Haredi participation in the workforce. The OECD in a 2010 report stated that, "Haredi families are frequently jobless, or are one-earner families in low-paid employment. Poverty rates are around 60% for Haredim."
According to data released by Central Bureau of Statistics, employment rate in the Haredi sector increased by 7% in two years, 2009-2011.
As of 2017, according to an Israeli finance ministry study, the Haredi participation rate in the labour force is 51%, compared to 89% for the rest of Israeli Jews.
The Haredim are relatively materially poor, compared to other Israelis, but represent an important market sector due to their bloc purchasing habits. For this reason, some companies and organizations in Israel refrain from including women or other images deemed immodest in their advertisements to avoid Haredi consumer boycotts. More than 50 percent of Haredim live below the poverty line, compared with 15 percent of the rest of the population. Their families are also larger, with Haredi women having an average of 6.7 children, while the average Jewish Israeli woman has 3 children. Families with many children often receive economic support through governmental child allowances, government assistance in housing, as well as specific funds by their own community institutions.
In recent years, there has been a process of reconciliation and an attempt to merge Haredi Jews with Israeli society, although employment discrimination is widespread. Haredi Jews such as satirist Kobi Arieli, publicist Sehara Blau, and politician Israel Eichler write regularly for leading Israeli newspapers.
Another important factor in the reconciliation process has been the activities of ZAKA, a Haredi organization known for providing emergency medical attention at the scene of suicide bombings, and Yad Sarah, the largest national volunteer organization in Israel established in 1977 by former Haredi mayor of Jerusalem, Uri Lupolianski. It is estimated that Yad Sarah saves the country's economy an estimated $320 million in hospital fees and long-term care costs each year.
Due to its imprecise definition, lack of data collection, and rapid change over time, estimates of the global Haredi population are difficult to measure, and may significantly underestimate the true number of Haredim, due to their reluctance to participate in surveys and censuses. One estimate given in 2011 stated there were approximately 1.3 million Haredi Jews globally. Studies have shown a very high growth rate, with a large young population.
Israel has the largest Haredi population. While Haredim made up just 9.9% of the Israeli population in 2009, with 750,000 out of 7,552,100, by 2014, that figure had risen to 11.1%, with 910,500 Haredim out of a total Israeli population of 8,183,400. According to a December 2017 study conducted by the Israeli Democracy Institute, the number of Haredi Jews in Israel exceeded 1 million in 2017, making up 12% of the population in Israel. By 2030, the Haredi Jewish community is projected to make up 16% of the total population, and by 2065, one third of the Israeli population.
The number of Haredi Jews in Israel is rising rapidly. The number of children per woman is 6.2, and the share of Haredim among those under the age of 20 was 16.3% in 2009 (29% of Jews). In 1992, out of a total of 1,500,000 Orthodox Jews worldwide, about 550,000 were Haredi (half of them in Israel). The vast majority of Haredi Jews are Ashkenazi. However, some 20% of the Haredi population are thought to belong to the Sephardic Haredi stream. In recent decades, Haredi society has grown due to the addition of a religious population that identifies with the Shas movement. The extent of people leaving the Haredi population is extremely low. The Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics forecasts that the Haredi population of Israel will number 1.1 million in 2019. It is also projected that the number of Haredim in 2059 may be between 2.73 and 5.84 million, of an estimated total number of Israeli Jews between 6.09 and 9.95 million. Large Israeli Haredi concentrations include Jerusalem, Bnei Brak, Modi'in Illit, Beitar Illit, Beit Shemesh, Kiryat Ye'arim, Ashdod, Rekhasim, Safed, and El'ad. Two Haredi cities, Kasif and Harish, are planned.
The United States has the second largest Haredi population, which has a growth rate on pace to double every 20 years. In 2000, there were 360,000 Haredi Jews in the US (7.2 per cent of the approximately 5 million Jews in the U.S.); by 2006, demographers estimate the number had grown to 468,000 or 9.4 per cent.
The Jewish population in the Borough Park neighborhood of Brooklyn, estimated at 70,000 in 1983, is also mostly Haredi, and also mostly Hasidic. The Bobov Hasidim are the largest single bloc that mainly live in Borough Park.
Denver is home to a large Haredi population of Ashkenazi origin, dating back to the early 1920s. The Haredi Denver West Side Jewish Community adheres to Litvak Jewish traditions (Lithuanian), and has several congregations located within their communities.
In 1998, the Haredi population in the Jewish community of the United Kingdom was estimated at 27,000 (13% of affiliated Jews). The largest communities are located in London, particularly Stamford Hill, in Salford and Prestwich in Greater Manchester, and in Gateshead. A 2007 study asserted that three out of four British Jewish births were Haredi, who then accounted for 17% of British Jews, (45,500 out of around 275,000). Another study in 2010 established that there were 9,049 Haredi households in the UK, which would account for a population of nearly 53,400, or 20% of the community. The Board of Deputies of British Jews has predicted that the Haredi community will become the largest group in Anglo-Jewry within the next three decades: In comparison with the national average of 2.4 children per family, Haredi families have an average of 5.9 children, and consequently, the population distribution is heavily biased to the under-20-year-olds. By 2006, membership of Haredi synagogues had doubled since 1990.
An investigation by The Independent in 2014 reported that more than 1,000 children in Haredi communities were attending illegal schools where secular knowledge is banned, and they learn only religious texts, meaning they leave school with no qualifications and often unable to speak any English.
The 2018 Survey by the Jewish Policy Research(JPR) and the Board of Deputies of British Jews showed that Haredi Orthodox community being responsible for reversing Jewish population decline in Britain.
^Raysh Weiss. "Haredim (Charedim), or Ultra-Orthodox Jews". My Jewish Learning. What unites haredim is their absolute reverence for Torah, including both the Written and Oral Law, as the central and determining factor in all aspects of life. ... In order to prevent outside influence and contamination of values and practices, haredim strive to limit their contact with the outside world
^"Orthodox Judaism". Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs. Haredi Judaism, on the other hand, prefers not to interact with secular society, seeking to preserve halakha without amending it to modern circumstances and to safeguard believers from involvement in a society that challenges their ability to abide by halakha.
^Ilan 2012: "One of the main sources of power enabling Haredi Jews' extreme behavior is the Israeli public's widely held view that their way of life represents traditional Judaism, and that when it comes to Judaism, more radical means more authentic. This is among the most strongly held and unfounded myths in Israel society."
^For example: Arnold Eisen, Rethinking Modern Judaism, University of Chicago Press, 1998. p. 3.
^Berman, Eli (2000). "Sect, Subsidy, and Sacrifice: An Economist's View of Ultra-Orthodox Jews". Quarterly Journal of Economics. 115 (3): 905–953. doi:10.1162/003355300554944.
^Šelomo A. Dešen; Charles Seymour Liebman; Moshe Shokeid (1 January 1995). Israeli Judaism: The Sociology of Religion in Israel. Transaction Publishers. p. 28. ISBN978-1-4128-2674-7. The number of baalei teshuvah, "penitents" from secular backgrounds who become Ultraorthodox Jews, amounts to a few thousand, mainly between the years 1975-87, and is modest compared with the natural growth of the haredim; but the phenomenon has generated great interest in Israel.
^Harris 1992, p. 490: "This movement began in the US, but is now centred in Israel, where, since 1967, many thousands of Jews have consciously adopted an ultra-Orthodox lifestyle."
^Weintraub 2002, p. 211: "Many of the ultra-Orthodox Jews living in Brooklyn are baaley tshuva, Jews who have gone through a repentance experience and have become Orthodox, though they may have been raised in entirely secular Jewish homes."
^Returning to Tradition: The Contemporary Revival of Orthodox Judaism, By M. Herbert Danzger: "A survey of Jews in the New York metropolitan area found that 24% of those who were highly observant ... had been reared by parents who did not share such scruples. [...] The ba'al t'shuva represents a new phenomenon for Judaism; for the first time there are not only Jews who leave the fold ... but also a substantial number who "return". p. 2; and: "Defined in terms of observance, then, the number of newly Orthodox is about 100,000." p. 193.
^ abAyalon, Ami (1999). "Language as a barrier to political reform in the Middle East", International Journal of the Sociology of Language, Volume 137, pp. 67–80: "Haredi" has none of the misleading religious implications of "ultra-Orthodox": in the words of Shilhav (1989: 53), "They are not necessarily [objectively] more religious, but religious in a different way."; and "'Haredi'... is preferable, being a term commonly used by such Jews themselves... Moreover, it carries none of the venom often injected into the term 'ultra-Orthodox' by other Jews and, sadly, by the Western media..."
^ abSources describing the term as pejorative or derogatory include:
Goldschmidt, Henry. Race and religion among the chosen peoples of Crown Heights, Rutgers University Press, 2006, p. 244, note 26. "I am reluctant to use the term 'ultra-Orthodox', as the prefix 'ultra' carries pejorative connotations of irrational extremism."
Longman, Chia. "Engendering Identities as Political Processes: Discources of Gender Among Strictly Orthodox Jewish Women", in Rik Pinxten, Ghislain Verstraete, Chia Longmanp (eds.) Culture and politics: identity and conflict in a multicultural world, Berghahn Books, 2004, p. 55. "Webber (1994: 27) uses the label 'strictly Orthodox' when referring to Haredi, seemingly more adequate as a purely descriptive name, yet carrying less pejorative connotations than ultra-Orthodox."
Shafran, Avi. Don't Call Us 'Ultra-Orthodox', The Jewish Daily Forward, February 2014. Retrieved July 9, 2014. "Considering that other Orthodox groups have self-identified with prefixes like "modern" or "open", why can't we Haredim just be, simply, "Orthodox"? Our beliefs and practices, after all, are those that most resemble those of our grandparents. But, whatever alternative is adopted, "ultra" deserves to be jettisoned from media and discourse. We Haredim aren't looking for special treatment, or to be called by some name we just happen to prefer. We're only seeking the mothballing of a pejorative."
^Lipowsky, Josh. "Paper loses 'divisive' term". Jewish Standard. January 30, 2009. "... JTA [Jewish Telegraphic Agency] faced the same conundrum and decided to do away with the term, replacing it with 'fervently Orthodox'. ... 'Ultra-Orthodox' was seen as a derogatory term that suggested extremism."
^Heilman, Samuel C. (1976). Synagogue Life: A Study in Symbolic Interaction. Transaction Publishers. pp. 15–16. ISBN978-1412835497.
^Ritzer, edited by George; Ryan, J. Michael (2011). The concise encyclopedia of sociology. Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. p. 335. ISBN978-1444392647.CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
^Donna Rosenthal. The Israelis: Ordinary People in an Extraordinary Land. Simon and Schuster, 2005. p. 183. "Dossim, a derogatory word for Haredim, is Yiddish-accented Hebrew for 'religious'."
^Nadia Abu El-Haj. Facts on the ground: Archaeological practice and territorial self-fashioning in Israeli society. University of Chicago Press, 2001. p. 262.
^Benor, Sarah Bunin (2012). Becoming frum how newcomers learn the language and culture of Orthodox Judaism. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. p. 9. ISBN978-0813553917.
^Stadler 2009, p. 79: "The economic situation of Haredi in Israel is unique. When comparing the Haredi community in Israel with that in the United States, Gonen (2000) found that Haredi members in the United States (both Lithuanians and Hasidic) work and participate in the labor market."
^Stadler 2009, p. 44: "The support of the yeshiva culture is related also to the developments of Israel's welfare policy... This is why in Israel today, Haredim live in relatively poorer conditions (Berman 2000, Dahan 1998, Shilhav 1991), and large Haredi families are totally dependent on state-funded social support systems. This situation is unique to Israel."
^Stadler 2009, pp. 77–78: "According to various surveys of the Haredi community, between 46 and sixty percent of its members do not participate in the labor market and 25 percent have part-time jobs (see Berman 1998; Dahan 1998). Members who work usually take specific jobs within a very narrow range of occupations, mainly those of teachers and clerical or administrative staff (Lupo 2003). In addition, because Haredim encourage large families, half of them live in poverty and economic distress (Berman 1998)."
^Aryeh Spero (11 January 2013). "Orthodoxy Confronts Reform – The Two Hundred Years' War". In Dana Evan Kaplan (ed.). Contemporary Debates in American Reform Judaism: Conflicting Visions. Routledge. p. 119. ISBN978-1-136-05574-4. Haredi citizenship is beneficial, however, since it creates safe neighborhoods where robbery, mugging, or rape will not be visited on strangers walking through it, and where rules of modesty and civilized behavior are the expected norm.
^Sharkansky 1996, p. 145: "'Modesty patrols' exist in Bnei Brak and ultra-Orthodox neighborhoods of Jerusalem; their purpose is to keep those areas free of immoral influences."
^Ben-Yehuda 2010, p. 115: "Women dressed in what is judged as immodest may experience violence and harassment, and demands to leave the area. Immodest advertising may cause Haredi boycotts, and public spaces that present immodest advertisement may be vandalized."
^Melman 1992, p. 128: "In one part of the city, Orthodox platoons smash billboards showing half-naked fashion models."
^Heilman 2002, p. 322: "While similar sentiments about the moral significance of "immodest" posters in public are surely shared by American haredim, they would not attack images of scantily clad models on city bus stops on their neighborhoods with the same alacrity as their Israeli counterparts.
^N. J. Demerath, III; Nicholas Jay Demerath (1 January 2003). Crossing the Gods: World Religions and Worldly Politics. Rutgers University Press. p. 103. ISBN978-0-8135-3207-3. To honor the Sabbath, many government services are closed, and no state buses operate from sundown Friday to sundown Saturday. Recent religious demands in Jerusalem have ranged from Sabbath road closings in Jewish areas and relocating a sports stadium so that it would not disturb a particular neighborhood's Sabbath to halting the sale of non-kosher food in Jewish sectors.
^The Jewish Spectator. School of the Jewish Woman. 1977. p. 6. THE NEW YORK State Assembly has passed a law permitting segregated seating for women on the buses chartered by ultra-Orthodox Jews for the routes from their Brooklyn and Rockland County (Spring Valley, Monsey, New Square) neighborhoods to their places of business and work in Manhattan. The buses are equipped with mehitzot, which separate the men's section from the women's. The operator of the partitioned buses, and the sponsors of the law that permits their unequal seating argued their case by invoking freedom of religion.
^Bryant 2012: "Haredi press rarely reports on deviance and unconventionality among Haredim. Thus, most reports are based on the secular Press. This is consistent with Haredi press policy of 'the right of the people not to know', which aims to shield Haredi readers from exposure to information about such issues as rape, robbery, suicide, prostitution, and so on."
^Cohen & Susser 2000, p. 103: "The Haredi press, for its part, is every bit as belligerent and dismissive. [...] Apart from the recurrent images of drug-crazed, sybaritic, terminally empty-headed young people, the secular world is also portrayed as spitefully anti-Semitic."
^Cohen & Susser 2000, p. 102: "Yet when the Haredi newspapers present the world of secular Israeli youth as mindless, immoral, drugged, and unspeakably lewd..."
^Ruth Ebenstein (2003). "Remembered Through Rejection: Yom HaShoah in the Ashkenazi Haredi Daily Press, 1950-2000". Israel Studies. Volume 8 (Number 3, Fall 2003 ed.). Indiana University Press. p. 149. A few years later, in the late 1990s, we find a striking twist to the Haredi rejection of the day. Both Ha-mod'ia and Yated Ne'eman usher in Yom HaShoah with trepidation. No longer was the day simply one they found offensive, but in their experience, it now marked the start of a week-long assault on Haredim for not observing the trilogy of secular Israel's national "holy days" — Yom HaShoah, Yom Hazikaron Lehaleley Zahal (the Memorial Day for Israel's war dead), and Yom Ha'atzmaut (Independence Day). Sparked, perhaps, by media coverage of Haredim ignoring memorial sirens, Haredim now felt attacked, even hunted down, for their rejection of the day during a period described by both Haredi newspapers with the Talmudic term byimey edeyhem, referring to idolatrous holidays.
^Only one academic institution allows this. Also, most soldiers work over 9 hours a day, and cannot afford such studies time-wise, or with their low monthly salary (see prior references to soldier's monthly income)
^ abAccording to some sociologists studying contemporary Jewry, the Chabad movement neither fits into the category of Haredi or modern Orthodox, the standard categories for Orthodox Jews. This is due in part to the existence of the "non-Orthodox Hasidim" (of which include former Israeli President Zalman Shazar), the lack of official recognition of political and religious distinctions within Judaism, and the open relationship with non-Orthodox Jews represented by the activism of Chabad emissaries. See Liebman, Charles S. "Orthodoxy in American Jewish Life". The American Jewish Year Book (1965): 21-97; Ferziger, Adam S. "Church/sect theory and American orthodoxy reconsidered". Ambivalent Jew - Charles S. Liebman in memoriam, ed. Stuart Cohen and Bernard Susser (2007): 107-124.
^ abcdHelmreich, William B. (1982). The World of the Yeshiva: An Intimate Portrait of Orthodox Jewry. New York, New York: The Free Press - Macmillan Publishing Company/Republished by Ktav Publishing (2000). pp. 200, 226–228, 236–238. ISBN978-0881256420.
Heilman, Samuel C. (2002). "Haredim and the Public Square". In Mittleman, Alan L.; Licht, Robert A.; Sarna, Jonathan D. (eds.). Jewish Polity and American Civil Society: Communal Agencies and Religious Movements in the American Public Sphere. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN978-0742521223.
Stadler, Nurit (2009). Yeshiva Fundamentalism: Piety, Gender, and Resistance in the Ultra-Orthodox World. NYU Press. p. 4. ISBN9780814740491.
Starr Sered, Susan (2001). "Replaying the Rape of Dinah: Women's Bodies in Israeli Cultural Discourse". In Frankel, Jonathan (ed.). Jews and Gender: The Challenge to Hierarchy. Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0195349771.
Weintraub, Aviva (2002). "Poultry in Motion: The Jewish Atonement Ritual of Kapores". In Abramovitch, Ilana; Galvin, Seán (eds.). Jews of Brooklyn. Brandeis series in American Jewish history, culture, and life. UPNE. ISBN9781584650034.