صفویان

از ویکی‌پدیا، دانشنامهٔ آزاد
پرش به: ناوبری، جستجو
فارسی English
سلسلهٔ صفویان ایران
صفویه
پادشاهی

 

 

 

۹۰۷۱۱۳۵
 

پرچم نشان نظامی
پهناوری پادشاهی صفویان در بازه‌های زمانی گوناگون
ممالک ایران سال ۱۷۲۹ میلادی
پایتخت تبریز
پایتخت تغییر یافته قزوین و اصفهان
زبان‌(ها) فارسی (زبان رسمی)
ترکی آذربایجانی
دین اسلام تشیع
ساختار سیاسی پادشاهی
شاه شاه اسماعیل صفوی
شاه تهماسب یکم
شاه عباس یکم
شاه سلطان حسین
تاریخچه
 - تأسیس ۹۰۷
 - انقراض ۱۱۳۵

صفویان دودمانی ایرانی[۱] و شیعه بودند که در سال‌های ۸۸۰ تا ۱۱۰۱ هجری خورشیدی (برابر ۱۱۳۵-۹۰۷ قمری و ۱۷۲۲-۱۵۰۱ میلادی)[۲]بر ایران فرمانروایی کردند. بنیانگذار دودمان پادشاهی صفوی، شاه اسماعیل یکم است که در سال ۸۸۰ خورشیدی در تبریز تاجگذاری کرد و آخرین پادشاه صفوی، شاه سلطان حسین است که در سال ۱۱۰۱ خورشیدی از افغان‌ها شکست خورد و سلسلهٔ صفویان برافتاد.[۳][۴]

دوره صفویه از مهم‌ترین دوران تاریخی ایران به شمار می‌آید، چرا که با گذشت نهصد سال پس از نابودی شاهنشاهی ساسانیان؛ یک فرمانروایی پادشاهی متمرکز ایرانی توانست بر سراسر ایران آن روزگار فرمانروایی نماید. بعد از اسلام، چندین پادشاهی ایرانی مانند صفاریان، سامانیان، آل بویه و سربداران روی کار آمدند، لیکن هیچ‌کدام نتوانستند تمام ایران را زیر پوشش خود قرار دهند و میان مردم ایران یکپارچگی پدید آورند.[۵]این دوره یکی از سه مرحله دوران طلایی اسلام و دوره اوج تمدن اسلامی است.[۶]

صفویان، آیین شیعه را دین رسمی ایران قرار دادند و آن را به عنوان عامل همبستگی ملّی ایرانیان برگزیدند. شیوه فرمانروایی صفوی تمرکزگرا و نیروی مطلقه (در دست شاه) بود. پس از ساختن پادشاهی صفویه، ایران اهمیتی بیشتر پیدا کرده و از ثبات و یکپارچگی برخوردار گردیده و در زمینهٔ جهانی نام‌آور شد.[۷] در این دوره روابط ایران و کشورهای اروپایی به دلیل دشمنی امپراتوری عثمانی با صفویان و نیز جریان‌های بازرگانی، (به ویژه داد و ستد ابریشم از ایران) گسترش فراوانی یافت. در دوره صفوی (به ویژه نیمه نخست آن)، جنگ‌های بسیاری میان ایران با امپراتوری عثمانی در غرب و با ازبکها در شرق کشور رخ داد که علت این جنگ‌ها جریان‌های زمینی و دینی بود.[۸]

ایران در دوره صفوی در زمینه مسائل نظامی، فقه شیعه، و هنر (معماری، خوشنویسی، و نقاشی) پیشرفت شایانی نمود. از سرداران جنگی نامدار این دوره می‌توان قرچقای خان، الله‌وردی خان، و امامقلی خان را نام برد که هر سه از سرداران شاه عباس یکم بودند. از فقیهان و دانشمندان نامی در این دوره میرداماد، فیض کاشانی، شیخ بهایی، ملاصدرا، و علامه مجلسی نام‌ور هستند. هنرمندان نامدار این دوره نیز رضا عباسی، علیرضا عباسی، میرعماد، و آقامیرک هستند.[۹]از شاعران بزرگ و نامدار این دوره می‌توان به وحشی بافقی، صائب تبریزی، محتشم کاشانی و میر رضی آرتیمانی اشاره کرد[۱۰][۱۱][۱۲][۱۳] صفویان همواره بزرگترین سد در برابر ترکان عثمانی بودند و اندیشهٔ بازپس‌گیری مرزهای هخامنشیان و اشکانیان و ساسانیان را داشتند. صفویان در جنگ‌های خود با عثمانی‌ها همواره با نام ایران می‌جنگیدند. ترکان عثمانی تا پیش از بیرون رانده شدنشان به دست شاه عباس بزرگ، آذربایجان و قفقاز را به اشغال درآورده و از مردمان این سامان کشتار فراوانی کردند. صفویان فرهنگ، هنر، موسیقی، معماری ایرانی و ادبیات پارسی را گسترش می‌دادند و سرانجام شاه عباس پایتخت خود را به اصفهان جابجا کرد.[۱۴]

نقشه ایران تهیه شده در سال ۱۰۷۹ خورشیدی

خاندان صفویان[ویرایش]

نوشتار اصلی: شجره‌نامه صفویان

از جنبه‌های ویژهٔ خاندان صفویه در دوران پس از اسلام ایران، رسیدن اصل و نسب و تبار آنها به صوفیان می‌باشد. این جنبهٔ تمایز پادشاهی صفویه سبب مقایسه آنها با پادشاهی پیش از اسلام ساسانی می‌شود، دودمانی که پایه‌گذاران آن از ردهٔ موبدان زرتشتی بودند و دین زرتشتی را به عنوان دین رسمی کشور اعلام کردند. همچنین این نکته باید گفته شود که نیاکان صوفی خاندان صفویه اصالتاً شیعه نبودند بلکه آنها پیرو گروه شافعی[۱۵] اهل سنت[۱۶][۱۷][۱۸] بودند. تغییر آیین گروه صوفیان خاندان صفوی به گروهی نظامی - سیاسی شیعه‌گرا در زمان نوهٔ شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی، یعنی خواجه علی آغاز شد.[۱۵]

شاهان دودمان صفویه در زمان به شاهی رسیدنشان به زبان ترکی آذربایجانی سخن می‌گفتند (به جز شاه اسماعیل یکم که از بدو تولد دوزبانه بود و به هر دو زبان فارسی و ترکی آذربایجانی سخن می‌گفت و شعر می‌سرود.)[۱۹] اما نیاکان آنها در اصل ترکیبی از نژادهای کرد،[۲۰] آذری،[۲۱] گرجی[۲۲] و یونانی[۲۳] بودند. همچنین این شاهان ادعای سیادت نیز می‌کردند[۲۴] و اینکه از تبار پیامبر اسلام هستند ولی با این وجود بسیاری از پژوهش‌گران در مورد درست بودن این گفته شک دارند.[۲۵]

احسان یارشاطر در مورد زبان مادری صفویان می‌نویسند: "خاندان صفوی در اصل ایرانی زبان بودند- چنانچه از دوبیتی‌های شیخ صفی‌الدین، نیای بزرگ آنها برمی‌آید - ترکیزه شدند و زبان ترکی را به عنوان زبان مادری خود پذیرفتند"[۲۶]

اصالت کردی[ویرایش]

بر اساس گفتهٔ راجر سیوری یکی از پژوهشگران جریان‌های دورهٔ صفویه:

براساس نوشتارهای موجود در زمان اکنون، شکی در این نیست که خاندان صفویه به طور قطع دارای ریشهٔ ایرانی است نه ریشهٔ ترکی که گاهی بدان خوانده می‌شود. این احتمال وجود دارد که اصلیت این خاندان از کردستان ایران آمده باشد که بعدها به آذربایجان کوچ کرده‌اند. جایی که آنها زبان ترکی آذربایجانی را از ترک‌زبانان آنجا فراگرفته و سرانجام در سدهٔ یازدهم میلادی در شهر اردبیل جای گزیده‌اند.[۲۷]

همچنین بر اساس سخنان ولادیمیر مینورسکی، خاورشناس روسی:

از ۹۷۰ تا ۱۵۱۰ میلادی، آذربایجان به پناهگاه اصلی و مرکزی برای یکپارچگی صفویان تبدیل گشت، کسانی که از بومیان اردبیل بودند و اصالتاً به یکی از گویش‌های محلی زبان‌های ایرانی سخن می‌گفتند.[۲۸]

گزیده‌ای از نسک صفوه الصفا که نشان دهندهٔ کردتبار بودن نیاکان شیخ صفی الدین است.

کهن‌ترین اثر نوشته دربارهٔ تبارنامه خاندان صفوی و نیز تنها نوشته‌ای در این باره که به پیش از سال ۱۵۰۱ میلادی باز می‌گردد کتابی با نام صفوه الصفا می‌باشد[۲۰] و توسط ابن بزاز اردبیلی نوشته شده‌است، که خود ایشان از مریدان شیخ صدرالدین اردبیلی پسر شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی بوده‌است. بر اساس نوشتهٔ ابن بزاز '«شیخ صفی‌الدین از نوادگان یک نجیب‌زاده کرد به نام فیروزشاه زرین‌کلاه می‌باشد.»[۲۹] نیاکان پدری خاندان صفوی بر اساس کهن‌ترین ویرایش خطی کتاب صفوه الصفا به شرح زیر است:

شیخ صفی‌الدین ابوالفتح اسحق بن شیخ امین‌الدین جبراییل بن قطب‌الدین بن صالح بن محمدالحافظ بن عوض بن فیروزشاه زرین‌کلاه.[۲۹]

شاهان صفوی برای هر چه بیشتر مشروعیت بخشیدن به پادشاهی‌شان در جهان شیعه، خودشان را از تبار محمد پیامبر اسلام برمی‌شمردند[۲۰] و برای همین نوشته‌های ابن بزاز را دست‌کاری کرده[۳۰] و نشانه‌های اصالت کردی در خاندان صفوی را تاریک و گنگ ساختند.[۲۰]

به نظر می‌رسد امروزه میان پژوهش‌گران و تاریخ‌دانان دودمان صفویه این هم‌رایی وجود دارد که اصالت خاندان صفوی به کردستان باز می‌گردد[۳۱] که در سدهٔ یازدهم میلادی به آذربایجان کوچ کرده و در اردبیل جای گزیده‌اند.[۲۹] از این رو امروزه بیشتر پژوهش‌گران بر اساس اصالت شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی، خاندان صفوی را از تبار کردها می‌دانند و به همین روی، صفویان اصالتاً یک خاندان ایرانی‌زبان به شمار می‌رود.[۳۲][۲۰][۲۹][۳۳][۳۴][۳۵][۳۶][۳۷][۳۸][۳۹][۴۰][۴۱][۴۲][۴۳][۴۴] از سویی دیگر شیخ صفی‌الدین خود یک سنی شافعی بود، آیینی که امروزه بیشتر مردم کرد از آن پیروی می‌کنند.[۴۵]

اصالت آذری[ویرایش]

زبان آذری با شیوه اردبیلی زبان مادری نیای بزرگ صفویان،شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی بوده است[۴۶][۴۷] و اشعاری بدین زبان در در کتاب صفوةالصفا و سلسلةالنسب سروده‌است.[۴۸][۴۹] شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی همچنین به "پیر آذری"[۵۰] شهرت داشته است. پدر شیح صفی‌الدین اردبیلی، شیخ امین‌الدین جبرائیل اردبیلی (۶۵۰-۷۳۵ه. ق) و اجداد وی در حدود سه سده[۵۱] در قریه کلخوران اردبیل به شغل زراعت مشغول بوده‌اند.[۵۲] نوه شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی و پسر شیخ صدرالدین موسی،خواجه علی سیاهپوش در هنگام مواجهه با تیمور گورکانی در حوالی جیحون موطن خود را اردبیل معرفی کرد.[۵۳] مادر شاه اسماعیل از خاندان ترک (دختر حسن بیگ) بوده[۵۴] و شاه اسماعیل، بنیان‌گذار امپراتوری صفویان در اصل از ترک‌زبانان اردبیل[۵۵] بوده و دیوان خطائی، اثر ادبی وی که به زبان ترکی آذربایجانی نوشته شده، از مهم‌ترین آثار ادبی این زبان بحساب می‌آید.

تامارا سون در کتاب خلاصه تاریخ اسلام در مورد ریشه صفویان عقیده دارد که صفویان دارای ریشه ترک آذربایجانی هستند[۵۶] این دیدگاه همچنین توسط نیکی کدی در کتاب "زنان در خاورمیانه: گذشته و حال" تاکید شده است.[۵۷]

بر اساس دیدگاه پروفسور ریچارد فرای، یکی از ایران‌شناسان برجستهٔ دانشگاه هاروارد در دانشنامهٔ ایرانیکا:[۲۱]

ترک‌زبانان آذربایجان در اصل از نوادگان مردمان ایرانی‌زبان گذشته بوده‌اند، که هنوز هم گونه‌های چندی از این زبان‌ها در بخش یافت می‌شوند. کوچ گستردهٔ ترکان آغوز در سده‌های ۱۱ و ۱۲ میلادی نه تنها آذربایجان بلکه آناتولی را هم ترک‌زبان کرده‌است. این ترک‌زبانان آذربایجان بوده‌اند که پادشاهی صفویه را درست کرده‌اند.

همچنین چندی دیگر از پژوهش‌گران نیز بر آذری بودن صفویان پای فشرده‌اند.[۵۸][۵۹]

زمینه و پایه‌گذاری[ویرایش]

تاریخ ایران
تاریخ ایران
دوران باستان
نیا-ایلامی ۳۲۰۰–۲۷۰۰ پ.م.
ایلام ۲۷۰۰–۵۳۹ پ.م.
منائیان ۸۵۰–۶۱۶ پ.م.
شاهنشاهی
ماد ۶۷۸–۵۵۰ پ.م.
  (سکاها ۶۵۲–۶۲۵ پ.م.)
هخامنشیان ۵۵۰–۳۳۰ پ.م.
سلوکیان ۳۱۲–۶۳ پ.م.
اشکانیان ۲۴۷ پ.م.–۲۲۴ پس از میلاد
ساسانیان ۲۲۴–۶۵۱
سده‌های میانه
امویان ۶۶۱–۷۵۰
خلافت عباسیان ۷۵۰–۱۲۵۸
زیاریان
۹۲۸–۱۰۴۳
صفاریان
۸۶۷–۱۰۰۲
آل بویه
۹۳۴–۱۰۵۵
سامانیان
۸۷۵–۹۹۹
غزنویان ۹۶۳–۱۱۸۶
سلجوقیان ۱۰۳۷–۱۱۹۴
خوارزمشاهیان ۱۰۷۷–۱۲۳۱
ایلخانان ۱۲۵۶–۱۳۳۵
چوپانیان
۱۳۳۵–۱۳۵۷
مظفریان
۱۳۳۵–۱۳۹۳
جلایریان
۱۳۳۶–۱۴۳۲
سربداران
۱۳۳۷–۱۳۷۶
تیموریان ۱۳۷۰–۱۴۰۵
قراقویونلو
۱۴۰۶–۱۴۶۸
تیموریان
۱۴۰۵–۱۵۰۷
آق‌قویونلو
۱۴۶۸–۱۵۰۸
معاصر اولیه
صفویان ۱۵۰۱–۱۷۳۶
افشاریان ۱۷۳۶–۱۷۴۷
زندیان
۱۷۵۰–۱۷۹۴
افشاریان
۱۷۴۷–۱۷۹۶
قاجاریان ۱۷۹۶–۱۹۲۵
معاصر
دودمان پهلوی ۱۹۲۵–۱۹۷۹
دولت موقت ایران ۱۹۷۹–۱۹۸۰
جمهوری اسلامی ۱۹۸۰–امروز
نمودار زمانی؛ تواریخ بر حسب هجری قمری است

شیعیان در ایران همیشه در اقلیت و فشار بودند تا اینکه پس از یورش مغولان و فروپاشی پادشاهی کهن و پرنفوذ عباسی که حکم خلیفه مسلمانان را داشت، جانی تازه گرفتند. پس از یورش مغول، چند فرمان‌روایی شیعه‌مذهب مانند سربداران و قره‌قویونلوها در ایران بر سر کار آمدند و نفوذ شیعه در ایران بیشتر شد. از سوی دیگر بیشتر اهل سنت ایران بر آیین شافعی و دوست‌دار اهل بیت بودند.[۴]

شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی، نیای بزرگ صفویان، هشتمین نسل از تبار فیروزشاه زرین‌کلاه بود. فیروزشاه از بومیان ایرانی و کردتبار[۶۰] و یا آذری تبار[۶۱] بود.[۶۲] که در سرزمین مغان ساکن بود. زبان مادری شیخ صفی‌الدین به عقیده بسیاری تاریخ‌نویسان ایرانی مانند احمد کسروی زبان آذری بوده است؛[۶۳][۶۴][۶۵][۶۶][۶۷]و اشعاری بدین زبان در در کتاب صفوةالصفا و سلسلةالنسب سروده‌است. همچنین برخی اعتقاد دارند که زبان مادری وی زبان تاتی بوده است.[۶۸] زبان تاتی یکی از زبان‌های ایرانی و زبان بومی آذربایجان بوده‌است.

دودمان پادشاهی صفویه به وسیله شاه اسماعیل یکم با تکیه بر پیروان طریقت تصوف علوی درست شد. این پیروان که بیشتر از ایل‌های آناتولی بودند و بعدها به قزلباش‌ها نام‌ور شدند بر سر باورهای خود سال‌ها به هواداری از آق‌قویونلوها و قراقویونلوها درگیر جنگ‌های پیاپی با دولت عثمانی بودند. اسماعیل جوان، نوه شیخ جنید، پسر شیخ صفی‌الدین و نوه اوزون‌حسن آق قویونلو زیر آموزش بزرگان قزلباش پرورش یافت و رهبر دینی آنان به شمار می‌آمد.[۴]

هواداران اصلی صفویان، گروه‌های عشایری ترکمن بودند قزلباش، «سرسرخ»، خوانده می‌شوند، به دلیل سربند سرخی که گفته می‌شود آنها از دوران حیدر به کار می‌بردند. دوازده تَرَک کلاهشان نمایانگر وفاداریشان به حکمران صفوی و دوازده امام شیعه بود. این جنگجویان شبه قبیله‌ای ترک تبار با وجود نام مشترکشان ادعا نمی‌کردند تیره مشترکی دارند. هر یک وابستگی دودمانی خود را حفظ کردند و همچنان دودمانهای گوناگون رقیب سرسخت دیگری بودند. مهمترین دودمانهای قزلباش که پشتیبان نهضت صفوی بودند عبارتند از شاملو، استاجلو، تکلو، روملو و ذوالقدر که همگی مهاجر از سوریه و آناتولی بودند. هر دودمان به بخش گوناگونی از ایران مهاجرت کرد و رهبرانشان پس از این که صفویان آن منطقه را فتح کردند به حکومت آن منطقه منصوب شدند. بنابراین استاجلوها در آذربایجان و بخشی در عراق عجم و کرمان اقامت کردند؛ قهرمانلو در شیروان؛ شاملو در خراسان اقامت کردند و تکلو اصفهان، همدان و بخشهایی از عراق عجم را گرفت؛ فارس در دست ذوالقدر بود، افشار کهگیلویه و خوزستان را داشت و بغداد در چنگ ماوشلو قبیله‌ای کوچکتر و منشعب از آق قویونلو بود. روابط قزلباش با شاه رابطه‌ای اسرارآمیز از نوع مرشد و مریدی صوفیانه بود. آنان نخبگان نظامی این حکومت نوپا بودند و نگهبانی و قورچی شاه را می‌کردند. آنان که شدیداً به رهبرشان وفادار و به شکست ناپذیری خود مطمئن بودند اغلب خود را درگیر نبردهای بی اسلحه می‌کردند. آنان همچنین مراسمی چون آدمخواری، مجالس می‌گساری وحشیانه داشتند. جنید در میان این عشایر عمدتاً ترکمن هوادارنی جمع کرد، برای عملیات نظامی تمرینشان داد، و علیه مردم قفقاز، ارامنه، گرجیها و چرکسها از آنها استفاده کرد. آن تازشها صفویان را با شروانشاهان دچار منازعه کرد، که در جریان آن جنید و پسرش حیدر کشته شدند. جنید که قدرت مادی لازم را برای مقابله با نیرومندترین سلسله آن زمان یعنی آق قویونلو نداشت، با آنان متحد شد و پیوندهایش را با ازدواج با دختر اوزون حسن، فرمانروای مقتدر آنها مستحکمتر کرد.[۶۹]

ساخت و نیرو گرفتن دودمان صفوی نتیجه حدود ۲۰۰ سال تبلیغات فرهنگی صوفیان صفوی بود. اگر به این نکته دقت شود که شاه اسماعیل در زمان تاجگذاری در تبریز تنها ۱۴ سال داشت، ارزش این گذشتهٔ فرهنگی بیشتر نمایان می‌گردد. پس از یورش مغول و فروپاشی خلافت عباسی در بغداد محور اصلی نمایش یک آیین و گرایش رسمی از اسلام از میان رفت و آیین شیعه جان تازه‌ای گرفت. به این ترتیب از میان رفتن دستگاه خلافت رسمی در کنار عواملی چون نابسامانی ناشی از حمله مغولان و گرایش به درونگ‌رایی مردم و آسان‌گیری دینی مغولان موجب رونق فراوان گروه‌های گوناگون از جمله شاخه‌های گوناگون تصوف شد.[۴]

پیروان شیخ صفی‌الدین نیز به راستی نمایندهٔ گروه ویژه‌ای از تصوف بر پایهٔ آیین شیعه دوازده امامی بودند (هر چند در مورد اینکه شخص شیخ صفی‌الدین، شیعه بوده‌است، تردیدهایی وجود دارد). باور قزلباشان به این گروه از تصوف تا پیش از پادشاهی شاه عباس یکم مهم‌ترین عامل نیرومندی صفویه بود. قزلباشان تا پیش از جنگ چالدران گونه‌ای نیروی خداگونه برای شاه اسماعیل یکم قایل بودند[۴] که با شکست در جنگ این باور آن‌ها رو به سستی نهاد.

ارزیابی تاریخی[ویرایش]

به باور عبدالحسین نوایی، دودمان صفویه توانست از ایران دوباره «ملت-دولت» مستقل، خودمحور، نیرومند و مورد احترام بسازد که مرزهای آن در زمان پادشاهی شاه عباس یکم برابر مرزهای ساسانیان بود. پادشاهی صفوی پیشروی دولت ایران به چم نوین آن بود و در دورهٔ آنان شکل یک فرمان‌روایی متمرکز ملی و شیعی پایه‌گذاری شد که تا امروز پابرجاست. شاهان صفوی برای نگهداری استقلال ایران که پس از جنگ‌های بسیار به دست آمده بود، کوشش خود را صرف انباشتن خزانهٔ خصوصی کردند تا بتوانند هزینه‌های نظامی را تأمین کنند. برای همین داشته‌های آنان در بخش‌های گوناگون ایران گسترش یافت و فرمان‌روایی خان‌خانی و عشیره‌ای و دودمان‌های محلی از بین رفت و فرمانروایی مرکزی با نیروی روزافزون جای آن را گرفت. چنانکه تاریخ ایران نشان داده که فرمان‌روایی متمرکز باعث نیرومندی و یکپارچگی کشور می‌شود و دولت نامتمرکز و فدرالی ناتوانی و آشفتگی ایران را در پی دارد.[۷۰]

رسیدن ایرانیان به مرزهای طبیعی خود، و در بعضی زمان‌ها به ویژه در دورهٔ پادشاهی شاه عباس و نادر به مرزهای دوران ساسانیان، به ایران شکوه و جلال پیشین را باز داد. برای اروپا که به گونه‌ای سخت در معرض خطر دولت عثمانی بود، بسیار گران‌بها و ارزشمند شمرده می‌شد، به گونه‌ای که دوراندیشان مردم در آن دیار، دولت صفوی را مایه نگهداری خویش و نعمتی برای خود می‌پنداشتند و به همین دلیل با پیام‌های دلگرم‌کنندهٔ خود، پادشاهان ایران را به ادامه نبرد و ستیز با عثمانی تحریض می‌کردند. پس از عقب‌نشینی سلطان سلیمان قانونی از آذربایجان و تحمل تلفات سنگین سپاه عثمانی از سرما و برف و نبود آذوقه، فرستادهٔ ونیز در دربار عثمانی به پادشاه خود نوشت: «تا آنجا که عقل سلیم گواهی می‌دهد این امر جز خواست خدای بزرگ چیز دیگری نیست زیرا می‌خواهد که جهان مسیحیت را از ورطه نابودی پایانی رهایی بخشد (گفته‌ای از ترویزیانو سفیر دولت ونیزیا در دربار سلطان عثمانی)[۷۱]» و سفیر دیگری از دولت‌های فرنگ که در استانبول به سر می‌برد، همین مضمون را بدین گونه بیان کرد که: «میان ما و ورطه هلاک تنها ایران فاصله‌است، اگر ایران مانع نبود عثمانیان به سهولت بر ما دست می‌یافتند.»[۷۲][۷۳]

برخی می‌پندارند ساختن دولت صفوی زیانی بزرگ برای جهان اسلام بود، بدین گونه که با رسمی کردن تشیع، و ناتوان ساختن تسنن، یکپارچگی دینی سرزمین‌های اسلامی را که تا آن دوران به جای مانده بود، از میان برد و آن سرزمین پهناور و یگانه جغرافیایی را از میان برید و به خطر انداخت. لازم به گفتن است، پیش از این در سده‌های چهارم تا ششم هجری، دولت اسماعیلی فاطمیان در مصر فرمان‌روایی در برابر خلافت عباسی درست کرده بود و تا زمانی که هر دو دولت نیرومند بودند، هیچ سختی در مبارزه با صلیبیان نداشتند. بنابراین به طور قطع این نخستین بار نبود، که یک فرمان‌روایی رسمی شیعی درست می‌شد. دوم، نیروی دولت عثمانی و گسترش پیاپی آن بدون پشتوانه فرهنگی و اجتماعی لازم انجام می‌شد. به گونه‌ای که علی‌رغم چند سده چیرگی بر یونان، بالکان و چند کشور دیگر اروپایی تنها چندی از مردم آن بخش‌ها مسلمان شدند و هر چند این گفته درست است که عثمانی بر اثر مناقشه‌های فراوان با صفویان همواره از مرزهای شرقی خود بیمناک بود و ناگزیر بخش بزرگی از نیروی نظامی خویش را در آن بخش صرف می‌کرد و از پیشرفت و تمرکز نیرو در جبهه‌های اروپا باز می‌ماند، اما شکست‌های بزرگ عثمانی در اروپا پس از محاصره وین در سال ۱۰۶۲ خ. ۱۶۸۳ میلادی و هم‌زمان با ناتوانی و نابودی دولت صفوی رخ می‌دهد. عامل اصلی شکست عثمانیان، نه پیدایش دو فرمانروایی شیعه و سنی، بلکه برتری ابزارهای نظامی اروپاییان در سدهٔ هجدهم و ناتوانی ساختارها و بنیان‌های اقتصادی و اجتماعی عثمانی نسبت به کشورهای اروپاست.[۷۴]

دین و مذهب[ویرایش]

نوشتار اصلی: دین و مذهب صفویان

زمانی که صفویان به قدرت رسیدند، مردم ایران بیش تر اهل تسنن بودند. شیعیان بیش تر در شهرهای مشهد، سبزوار، قم، کاشان و مناطق شمالی ایران ساکن بودند. با به قدرت رسیدن شاه اسماعیل و اعلام رسمیت تشیع، بیش تر مردم ایران به این مذهب شیعه روی آوردند و تسنن، بیش تر به مناطق مرزی تبدیل شد. از دلایل رسمی کردن مذهب تشیع به وسیله صفویان، ایجاد وحدت و یگانگی میان مردم، مشخص کردن ایران از دیگر کشورهای اسلامی و تامین استقلال کشور بود.[۷۵]

در دوره صفوی کتاب‌ها و رساله‌های متعددی به زبان فارسی ساده نوشته شد. با این اقدام، درک اصول دین و مسائل شرعی، از انحصار عربی دانان خارج شد و بسیاری از گروه‌های متوسط و پایین جامعه که سواد خواندن و نوشتن فارسی را داشتند هم، توانستند از این اطلاعات استفاده کنند.[۷۶]

در عصر صفوی پادشاهان به ساخت و تعمیر مسجد، مدرسه و بناهای مذهبی توجه داشتند. پادشاهان صفوی در شهرهایی مشهد و قم نیز بناهایی احداث کردند. در آن زمان بزرگان و ثروتمندان هم، مسجد و مدرسه‌های زیادی ساختند.[۷۷]

سوگواری برای شهدای شیعه که در زمان حکومت صفویه، رونق بسیار یافت. روضه خوانی و مداحی در ایام محرم معمول شد. دیگر فعالیت‌های مذهبی رایج عبارت بودند از: شبیه خوانی، راه افتادن هیات (دسته) با علم و کتل در معبرها، تکیه‌ها و مسجدها، جشن گرفتن روزهای ولادت ائمه و عزاداری در ایام شهادت آنان. شاعران نیز، تحت تاثیر این جو مذهبی، موضوع اشعار خود را تغییر دادند و به ستایش و مدح ائمه و سرودن مرثیه برای آنان پرداختند. از جمله شعرهای معروف در این زمینه می‌توان به اشعار محتشم کاشانی در این زمینه معروف است.[۷۸]

صفویان مردم را برای زیارت کردن تشویق می‌کردند. در این دوره، به دلیل جنگ‌های دائمی با عثمانیان، به جای زیارت اماکن متبرکهای که در عراق قرار داشت، زیارت مشهد و قم رواج یافت. در آن زمان شاه عباس اول، برای زیارت مرقد امام هشتم (ع)، مسیر اصفهان تا مشهد را پیاده طی کرد.[۷۹]

یگانگی آیین و فرمان‌روایی متمرکز[ویرایش]

شاه عباس یکم (شاه عباس بزرگ)

از دید تاریخ ایران کنونی، دولت صفوی دارای دو ارزش اساسی و حیاتی است: نخست، ساخت ملتی یگانه با مسئولیتی یگانه در برابر مهاجمان و دشمنان، و نیز در برابر گردنکشان و شورشیان بر فرمان‌روایی مرکزی؛ دوم، ساخت ملتی دارای آیینی ویژه که بدان شناخته شده و برای نگاهبانی از همان آیین، دشواری‌های بزرگ را در برابر یورش‌های دو دولت نیرومند خاوری و باختری تحمل نموده‌است. در این مورد، آیین رسمی شیعه دوازده امامی، همان کاری را انجام داد که اکنون جهان‌بینی‌های سیاسی در ساخت فرمان‌روایی‌ها می‌کنند.

به هر روی با ساخت دولت صفوی، گذشته دیربازی از گسیختگی پیوندهای ملی ایرانیان به دست فراموشی سپرده شد و بار دیگر به گفتهٔ براون، از ملت ایران «ملتی قائم بالذات، متحد، توانا و واجب الاحترام ساخت و ثغور آن را در ایام سلطنت شاه عباس یکم به حدود امپراتوری ساسانیان رسانید».[۸۰]

رشته راستین و اساسی این پیوند ملی، آیین تشیع بود، و گرنه با وضعی که در آن روزگار پیش آمده بود، هیچ چیز دیگری نمی‌توانست چنین تأثیری در بازگرداندن آن پیوند و همبستگی داشته باشد، چنانکه اهل سنت ایران که در دورهٔ شاه اسماعیل یکم و شاه تهماسب یکم زیر فشارهای سختی بودند، به جای ماندن دولت عثمانی و پیوستن ایران را به خاک آن دولت آرزو می‌کردند. دسته‌هایی از کردان سنی مذهب که گرایشی به فرمانبری از یک پادشاه شیعی مذهب نداشتند، بی‌هیچگونه مقاومتی و مخالفتی در قلمرو عثمانی به جای ماندند؛ و دست به دست گشتن برخی از سرزمین‌های کردنشین میان دو دولت عثمانی و صفوی تأثیری در مذهب آن‌ها نداشت.

البته از سوی دیگر بر ملیت ایرانی نیز پای‌فشاری می‌شد. همه مردم جای‌گرفته در ایران خود را هم‌وندی (عضوی) از این کشور و ایرانی می‌دانستند و مردم ترک و تاجیک (نامی که در آن زمان به ایرانیان غیر ترک داده شده بود)، دوستدار پادشاهی صفویان بودند و حتی امروزه نیز مردم ایران با دوست‌داری از این خاندان یاد می‌کنند. شاه اسماعیل یکم با پای‌فشاری بر اهمیت ملی‌گرایی، پست‌های دولتی را میان مردم گوناگون بخش کرده بود و با ترویج شاهنامه‌خوانی، دوستی به ملیت ایرانی را میان ایرانیان گسترش داده بود. چنانکه که در بیشتر ایل‌های آن زمان، شعرهای حماسی شاهنامه خوانده می‌شد و مردم ایل‌های ترک قزلباش نیز شعرهای شاهنامه را از بر داشتند. حتی شاه اسماعیل نام فرزندان خود را از نام‌های ایرانی و شاهنامه برگزیده بود، مانند: تهماسب، سام، القاس، فرنگیس و....[۸۱]

ساختار حکومتی[ویرایش]

نشان پادشاهی صفوی.
میدان نقش جهان، میدان مشهور ساخته شده به وسیله صفویان که نماد سیاسی مذهبی داشت.

سازمان حکومتی صفویان در آغاز آمیختاری از ساختار رده‌بندی صوفیان و ساختار سنتی پادشاهی در ایران بود. به این روی که در بالای هرم نیرو شاه جای داشت که هم آدم نخست فرمان‌روایی و هم مرشد کامل بود و پس از او وکیل یا وکیل نفس نفیس همایون بود. وکیل دارای نقش وزیر اعظم (رییس دیوان‌سالاری) بود و هم میانجی بین مرشد کامل و صوفیان. در ساختار نظامی ایل‌های قزلباش نیز رده‌بندی ایلی صوفیانه وجود داشت. اما دیوان‌سالاری فرمان‌روایی بر اساس ساختارهای کهن ایرانی کار می‌کرد چرا که قزلباشان از آغاز در کارهای دیوانی نقش چندانی نداشتند. نقش شاه به عنوان مرشد پس از جنگ چالدران سست شد و این کار در زمان شاه تهماسب یکم و شاه محمد خدابنده و شاه عباس ادامه یافت، به آرامی نقش باورهای صوفیان در ساختار فرمان‌روایی کاهش یافت به گونه‌ای که ردهٔ وکالت به کلی از میان رفت و بسیاری از اختیارهای مقام‌های صوفی به مقام‌های دیوانی داده شد. کارهای عامدانه و هوشمندانه شاه تهماسب یکم و شاه عباس یکم در کاهش باورهای صوفیانه، برای کنترل کردن خودسری‌های سران قزلباش در این روند نقش بسیاری داشت. در زمان شاه عباس یکم بینندهٔ ساخت سازمان فرمان‌روایی تازه‌ای هستیم که بر اساس الگوی دیوان‌سالاری کهن ایرانی درست شد و تا پایان پادشاهی قاجارها تقریباً پایدار ماند.[۸۲][۴] در این ساختار فرمانروایی، شاه در نوک هرم نیرو جای دارد. فرمان‌های او قانون شمرده می‌شود و کسی حق مخالفت با او را ندارد.وزیر اعظم بالاترین مقام اجرایی پس از شاه است و ریاست سازمان دیوانی را بر دوش دارد. وی میانجی دولتیان و شاه است. گزارش‌هایی که از دیوان‌ها و سازمان‌ها برای شاه فرستاده می‌شوند، نخست توسط وی خوانده می‌شود و در صورت خواست وی به آگاهی شاه می‌رسد.پس از شاه عباس یکم، از جمله کارهای مهمی که وزیر اعظم برای شاهان صفوی انجام می دادند، جلوگیری از رسیدن خبرها و گزارش‌های ناراحت‌کننده به شاه بود. خانهٔ وزیر اعظم به طور معمول نزدیک کاخ شاه بود تا در صورت نیاز به گرفتن دیدگاه شاه در رای‌گیری به تندی بتواند به شاه برسد.[۸۲]

زبان رسمی صفویان[ویرایش]

زبان رسمی دولت صفوی، زبان فارسی بود.[۸۳] شاه عباس یکم در زمان خود زبان فارسی را در سراسر ایران به عنوان زبان میانجی تثبیت کرد.[۸۴] صفویان، زبان فارسی را برای اداره بهتر ایران به عنوان زبان نخست کشور ایران برگزیدند و کارهای پادشاهان صفوی همچنین باعث تثبیت و تقویت بیشتر زبان فارسی در خاور اسلامی شد.[۸۵] همچنین تمام نسک‌های تاریخی در دورهٔ صفوی به زبان فارسی نگاشته شده‌است.[۸۶] با وجود رسمی بودن زبان فارسی، درباریان صفویه همچون دیگر مردم ایران در دربار از زبان محلی خود (ترکی آذربایجانی) بهره می‌بردند. همچنین شاه‌عباس خود شعرهای زیبایی به ترکی سروده‌است.[۸۷] ژان شاردن جهانگرد فرانسوی هم که زمان یازده سال (۷۰-۱۶۶۴ و ۷۷-۱۶۷۱) در ایران بوده، می‌نویسد: ترکی زبان دربار و لشکریان است، زنان و مردان منحصراً به ترکی آذربایجانی سخن می‌گویند، به ویژه خانواده‌های اشرافی. شوند این کار آن است که خاندان صفوی از سزرمین‌های ترک‌زبان و جاهایی که زبان مادری‌شان ترکی است، برخاسته‌اند..[۸۸] همزمان با دوره صفویه زبان فارسی در اوج گستردگی خود قرار داشت. فارسی، زبان رسمی گورکانیان هند (همسایه خاوری ایران) بود و شاعران پارسی‌گوی بزرگی از آن برخاستند. در باختر ایران (آسیای صغیر) که زیر فرمان امپراتوری سنی‌مذهب عثمانی و رقیب راستین صفویان جای داشت نیز مورد بهره بود. بیشتر سخن‌وران ترک بدان آشنا بوده و غزل و شعرهای کوتاه فارسی می‌سرودند.[۸۹]

ساختار قضایی[ویرایش]

سازمان قضایی به دو بخش عرفی و شرعی بخش می‌شد. بخش عرفی دربرگیرندهٔ رسیدگی به کارهایی مانند کشتن و زد و خورد و تجاوز (کارهایی که وابسته به نگهداری نظم و امنیت و سازمان سیاسی بود) می‌شد و بخش شرعی دربرگیرندهٔ رسیدگی به دعاوی حقوقی و شرعی بود. ریاست بخش رسیدگی به دعاوی عرفی با مقام دیوان بیگی است و مسوولین رسیدگی به این دعاوی در شهرها نیز داروغه‌ها هستند. ریاست نظام قضایی شرعی نیز بر عهده صدر است. صدر بالاترین مقام دینی در دولت را داراست و خود از میان علمای نام‌ور شیعه گزینش می‌شود. قاضی‌های شرع از میان علمای شیعه (ملاها) گزینش شده و توسط صدر گماشته می‌شوند. از کارهای دیگر صدر، برداشت و گماشت شیخ الاسلام‌ها در شهرها و رسیدگی به کارهای موقوفات در همهٔ کشور است.[۸۲]

قاضی‌های گماشته از سوی صدر یا قاضی‌های شرع، متصدیان ثبت رسمی اسناد هم شمرده می‌شوند و اسناد داد و ستد و خرید و فروش و دارایی مردم تنها با ممهور شدن به مهر آنها رسمیت می‌یابند. عدم وجود مرز دقیق میان کارهای شرعی و عرفی هر از گاهی موجب ناکارآمدی‌هایی در سازمان قضایی می‌شد و این مشکل تا زمان به شاهی رسیدن رضاخان همواره در ایران وجود داشت. از سختی‌های دیگر این سازمان قضایی این بود که هر شخصی می‌توانست در صورت نیاز به هر کدام از قاضی‌ها (گاه بیش از یک قاضی) که دلخواه او بود، مراجعه نماید.[۸۲]

ساختار اجرایی[ویرایش]

نقشهٔ پادشاهی صفوی و امپراتوری عثمانی

کشور ایران از زمان شاه عباس یکم به پنج سرزمین، یخش شده بود و هر کدام از آن سرزمین‌ها را نیز به بخش‌های کوچک‌تر (تا ۲۵ سرزمین بخش کرده بودند). خان بالاترین مقامی بود که از طرف شاه برای اداره یک سرزمین گماشته می‌شد و تنها زیر نظر شاه انجام کار کرده و تنها به او پاسخگو بود. سرزمین زیر فرمان یک خان، خود به چند بخش تقسیم می‌شد که اداره آنها را افرادی که دارای سمت سلطان بودند، به دوش داشتند. سلطان‌ها به راستی والیان درجه دوم بودند. مقام پسین در میان والیان پس از سلطان بیگلربیگی نام داشت. خان‌ها و سلطان‌ها در بخش زیر فرمان خود مانند یک شاه کوچک فرمانروایی می‌کردند. خان‌ها، بخش اصلی درآمد سرزمین خود را برای کارهای درونی اداری و شخصی خود و نیز تعهد پرداخت مواجب سربازانی که از مرکز به آنها محول شده بود، مصرف می‌کردند و اندازهٔ نسبتاً کمی را برای دربار می‌فرستادند. آنها در برابر تهدیدهای بیگانه متعهد به نگاهبانی سرزمین زیر فرمان خود بودند. بیشتر قریب به اتفاق خان‌ها و سلطان‌ها، سران قزلباش بودند و با ایل خود در سرزمین زیر فرمان زندگی می‌کردند.[۸۲]

شاه سلیمان در اصفهان به سال ۱۰۴۹ خورشیدی

در این میان برخی از بخش‌های کشور بودند که فرمانروای آنها از خودمختاری خان یا سلطان برخوردار نبود و به راستی وکیل یا نماینده‌ای از طرف شاه آنها را اداره می‌کرد که آنها را وزیر می‌نامیدند. همهٔ درآمد این بخش‌ها برای دربار فرستاده می‌شد و بودجه مصرفی این بخش‌ها را دربار تعیین و تامین می‌کرد. این بخش‌ها را اراضی خاصه می‌نامیدند. در آغاز پادشاهای صفویان بخش‌های خاصه محدود به استان‌های نزدیک به تخت‌گاه بود اما از زمان شاه عباس یکم به این بخش‌ها افزوده شد. زیرا از یک سو درآمد مستقل شاه را افزایش می‌داد و از سوی دیگر از افزایش نیروی فرمانده‌هان قزلباش در برابر شاه جلوگیری می‌شد. اما در برابر، فرمانروایان بخش‌های خاصه از توانایی نظامی و مدیریتی و انگیزه بسیار کمتری نسبت به خان‌ها و سلطان‌ها برای اداره برخوردار بودند و در برابر تهدیدهای بیگانه بسیار سستی می‌کردند.[۸۲]

از زمان شاه صفی به بعد بخش‌های خاصه به تندی گسترش یافتند و یکی از علتهای ناتوانی نیروی نظامی صفویان را همین کار می‌دانند. در برابر گاهی یک بخش دچار تهدید بیگانه می‌شد و شاه برای افزایش توان برابری یک خان قزلباش را برآن بخش می‌گمارد. تا پایان پادشاهی شاه عباس یکم هیچکدام از استان‌های مرزی به گونهٔ خاصه اداره نمی‌شد. در زمان شاه صفی ایالت فارس به گونهٔ خاصه در آمد زیرا تهدیدی نظامی برای آنجا گمان نمی‌شد.[۴]

بالاترین مقام اجرایی در شهر خان یا سلطان یا وزیر آن بخش شمرده می‌شد (چه در آن شهر جای‌گیر باشد چه نباشد). پس از خان یا سلطان یا وزیر، داروغه شهر جای داشت. اداره‌کننده اصلی شهر، به راستی داروغه بود. داروغه کار نگهداری امنیت و نظم شهر و همچنین کار رسیدگی به دعاوی وابسته به زد و خورد و کشت را به دوش داشت. عسس، کوتوال، کلانتر و محتسب همه زیر فرمان داروغه کار می‌کردند. عسس فرماندهی نگهبانان شب را به دوش داشت. کوتوال مسئول نگاهبانی و نگهداری از استحکامات بود و در شهرهایی که داروغه نداشت، عسس کار داروغه را نیز دارا بود.[۸۲] کلانتر میانجی بین داروغه و مقام‌های بالاتر و مردم عادی بود. در شهرهای بزرگ هر محله برای خود دارای کلانتر بود. کلانتر کار نگاهبانی از حقوق مردم در برابر دولتیان و بخش‌بندی کارهای سخت (گفته‌شده از سوی مقام‌ها) به گونهٔ برابر بین مردم و گرفتن مالیات‌ها از مردم را بر دوش داشت. در روستاها کدخداها کارهای کلانترها را انجام می‌دادند. محتسب بر درستی اندازه‌ها و اوزان در شهر نظارت می‌کرد و نرخ کالاهای اساسی را نیز در شهر تعیین و اعلام می‌کرد.[۸۲]

ساختار سپاهی و لشکری[ویرایش]

نیروهای سپاه ایران در آغاز به پادشاهی رسیدن شاه اسماعیل یکم تا زمان پادشاهی شاه عباس یکم، درست‌شده از ایل‌های قزلباش بود. قزلباشان به گونهٔ سواره می‌جنگیدند و سواران آنها را قورچی می‌نامیدند. قورچی‌ها مسلح به شمشیرهای هلالی شکل (مناسب برای نبرد سواره)، کمان و تفنگ بودند. از زمان شاه عباس یکم به بعد نیروهای پیاده مسلح به تفنگ از مردم تاجیک (غیر قزلباش) و نیز سپاه غلامان خاصه (درست‌شده از گرجی‌ها، چرکس‌ها و ارمنی‌ها) ساخته شد. توپخانه نیز معمولاً در دوره‌گیری (محاصره) شهرها از زمان شاه تهماسب یکم به کار گرفته می‌شد اما به شوند (دلیل) گونهٔ تاکتیک‌های جنگی ایرانیان که بر اساس تحرک زیاد در میدان جنگ بود، در جنگ‌های مستقیم نقش زیادی نداشت. بالاترین مقام نظامی از زمان شاه عباس یکم به بعد سپهسالار ایران بود. این سمت در ابتدا دایمی بود ولی از زمان شاه صفی در زمان جنگ تعیین می‌شد. مقام‌های اصلی سپاه ایران در زمان شاه سلیمان (گفته از سفرنامه کمپفر) به شرح زیرند:[۸۲]

کلاه خود متعلق به دوره صفوی
  • قورچی باشی: فرمانده قورچیان (سواران قزلباش) و بالاترین مقام پس از سپهسالار. قورچی‌ها در زمان شاه سلیمان حدود ۱۰ تا ۱۲ هزار نفر تخمین زده می‌شوند و سالانه ۱۰ تا ۱۲ تومان مزد می‌گرفتند.[۸۲]
  • قوللر آقاسی: فرمانده سپاه غلامان. سپاه غلامان از گرجیان، چرکس‌ها، ارمنیان و دیگر غیر ایرانیان ساخته می‌شد که به گونهٔ سواره می‌جنگیدند. شمار آنها حدود ۱۵ تا ۱۸ هزار نفر تخمین زده می‌شد و سالانه کمی کمتر از ۱۰ تومان مزد می‌گرفتند.[۸۲]
  • تفنگچی‌لر آقاسی: فرمانده سپاه تفنگچیان پیاده بود. این تفنگچیان تاجیک (ایرانی غیرترک) بودند و پیاده می‌جنگیدند. به این گونه از اسب تنها برای نقل و انتقال پیش از درگیری استفاده می‌کردند اما در هنگام جنگ و در نزدیکی دشمن از اسب پیاده شده و می‌جنگیدند. سلاح آنها نیز تفنگ و شمشیر بوده‌است. شمار آنها نزدیک به ۵۰ هزار تخمین زده می‌شود. مزد سالانه تفنگچی‌ها کمی کمتر از غلامان بود. تفنگچیان مازندرانی از دیگر تفتگچیان نام‌دارتر بوده‌اند.[۸۲]
  • توپچی باشی: فرمانده توپخانه ایران که در میان مقام‌های گفته شده پایین‌ترین اهمیت را داشت.

به جز نیروهای نظامی گفته شده گروهی ساخته از ۲۰۰۰ سرباز مجهز پیاده نام‌ور به جزایری وجود داشتند که مزد آنها را شاه پرداخت می‌کرد و کار نگهبانی از دربار را به دوش داشتند. آنها زیر فرماندهی ایشیک آقاسی باشی بودند.[۸۲]

یگان‌های درونی در سپاه را افسرانی دارای عنوان‌های زیر اداره می‌نمودند. این عنوان‌ها همگی از واژه‌های ترکی درست شده‌اند:[۸۲]

(البته همان‌گونه که امروزه نیز رایج است گاه تعداد سربازان زیر فرماندهی این صاحب‌منصبان کمتر یا بیشتر از میزان نامی آن بود) مزد سربازان به صورت حواله پرداخت می‌شد. این حواله‌ها برای والیان بخش‌های گوناگون کشور صادر می‌شد و سربازان معمولاً به دلیل عدم امکان سفر به آن بخش‌ها آنها را به دلالان می‌فروختند. تامین خوراک در هنگام جنگ‌ها به دوش خود سربازان بود، به همین شوند (دلیل) در هنگام جنگ‌ها پیشه‌وران در پی سپاه روان می‌شدند و کالاهای مورد نیاز را به آنها می‌فروختند.[۸۲]

پادشاهان صفوی و دوره پادشاهی آنان[ویرایش]

نمونهٔ تفنگهای فتیله‌ای دوره صفوی

نامداران روزگار صفوی[ویرایش]

بن‌مایه‌های تاریخی برای شناخت صفویه[ویرایش]

در دوران صفویه کتاب‌های تاریخی بسیاری دربارهٔ این دودمان به نگارش در آمد که مهم‌ترین آنها عبارتند از: صفوةالصفا، عالم‌آرای امینی، حبیب‌السیر، فتوحات شاهی، بدایع‌الوقایع، تاریخ شاه اسماعیل و شاه طهماسب، تحفه سامی، تاریخ رشیدی، احسن‌التواریخ، خلاصةالتواریخ، عالم‌آرای عباسی، خلاصةالسیر، قصص‌الخاقانی، خلدبرین، عالم‌آرای شاه اسماعیل، زبدةالتواریخ، تذکرةالملوک، تاریخ حزین و ...

جدا از این نسک‌ها، منشات و سفرنامه‌های بسیاری (به‌ویژه از اروپاییان) باشنده (موجود) است که در شناخت تاریخ صفویان بسیار بهره‌مند است.[۹۰]

ولایت‌های ایران در دورهٔ صفوی[ویرایش]

در کتاب مهم تذکرةالملوک دربارهٔ ولایت‌های ایران در دورهٔ صفویان این چنین آمده‌است:

... والی در ممالک ایران چهار است که اسامی هر یک موافق اعتبار و شرف و ترتیب نوشته می‌شود: اول والی عربستان[۹۱] که به اعتبار سیادت و شجاعت و زیادتی ایل و عشیرت از والی‌های دیگر بزرگ‌تر و عظیم‌الشأن‌تر است. و بعد از آن والی لرستان فیلی است که به اعتبار اسلام، اعز از والی گرجستان است و ولات گرجستانات متعلقه به ایران، گرجستان کارتیل و کاخت و تفلیس است.[۹۲] و بعد از مرتبهٔ والی گرجستان، والی اردلان است که سنندج محل سکنای ایشان می‌باشد و بعد از او حاکم بختیاری و در قدیم‌الایام کمال اعزاز و احترام داشته‌اند.

اما بیگلربیگیان عظیم‌الشأن ایران سیزده‌است: اول قندهار،[۹۳] دوم شیروان،[۹۴] سوم هرات،[۹۵] چهارم آذربایجان،[۹۶] پنجم چخورسعد،[۹۷] ششم قراباغ و گنجه،[۹۸] هفتم استرآباد،[۹۹] هشتم کوهگیلویه،[۱۰۰] نهم کرمان، دهم مرو شاهی‌جان،[۱۰۱] یازدهم قلمروی علیشکر،[۱۰۲] دوازدهم مشهد مقدس معلی، سیزدهم دارالسلطنهٔ قزوین...

پانویس[ویرایش]

  1. "SAFAVID DYNASTY". Encyclopædia Iranica. 
  2. Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire
  3. رستم التواریخ، نویسنده محمد هاشم آصف
  4. ۴٫۰ ۴٫۱ ۴٫۲ ۴٫۳ ۴٫۴ ۴٫۵ ۴٫۶ ایران در عصر صفوی، راجر سیوری
  5. تاریخ تحولات سیاسی، اجتماعی، اقتصادی و فرهنگی ایران در دوران صفویه (صص ۲۱ تا ۳۶)
  6. موسی نجفی. انقلاب فرامدرن و تمدن اسلامی (موج چهارم بیداری اسلامی). چاپ دوم. موسسه مطالعات تاریخ معاصر ایران، ۱۳۸۸. ۲۴۹. شابک ‎۹۷۸-۹۶۴-۲۸۳۴-۱۳-۶. 
  7. تاریخ ایران (۲)، ص ۱۲۲
  8. تاریخ تحولات سیاسی، اجتماعی، اقتصادی و فرهنگی ایران در دوران صفویه (صص ۶-۲۸۴)
  9. تاریخ سوم راهنمایی، ص ۱۲
  10. http://ganjoor.net/vahshi/
  11. http://ganjoor.net/razi/
  12. http://ganjoor.net/saeb/
  13. http://ganjoor.net/mohtasham/
  14. محسنی، محمدرضا 1389: پان ترکیسم، ایران و آذربایجان، انتشارات سمرقند، ص 21
  15. ۱۵٫۰ ۱۵٫۱ "Iran: Safavid Period", Encyclopædia Iranica by Hamid Algar. Excerpt: "The Safavids originated as a hereditary lineage of Sufi shaikhs centered on Ardabil, Shafeʿite in school and probably Kurdish in origin."
  16. Hamdullah Mustaufi, a contemporary of Shaykh Safi al-Din remarks under Ardabil: They were also a mostly Scholar society and did not try to wage war. بیشتر (مردم) بر آیین شافعی‌اند، مرید شیخ صفی‌الدین علیه الرحمه‌اند. The majority of the people are followers of Shafii sect and students of Shaykh Safi al-Din Ardabili (May God Bless him).
  17. Ira Marvin Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies, Cambridge University Press, 2002. pg 233: "The Safavid movement, founded by Shaykh Safi al-Din (1252–1334), a Sunni Sufi religious teacher descendant from a Kurdish family in north-western Iran..
  18. R.M. Savory, "Safavid Persia" in: Ann Katherine Swynford Lambton, Peter Malcolm Holt, Bernard Lewis, "The Cambridge History of Islam", Cambridge University Press, 1977. pg 394: "Such evidences we have seems to suggest that the family hailed from Kurdistan. What does seem certain is that the Safavids were of native Iranian stock, and spoke Azari, the form of Turkish used in Azerbaijan. Shaykh Safi al-Din the founder of the Safavid Tariqa was not a Shi'i (he was probably a Sunni of the Shafi'i Madhhab)
  19. V. Minorsky, The Poetry of Shah Ismail, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 10, No. 4. (1942), pp. 1053)
  20. ۲۰٫۰ ۲۰٫۱ ۲۰٫۲ ۲۰٫۳ ۲۰٫۴ R.M. Savory. Ebn Bazzaz. Encyclopædia Iranica
  21. ۲۱٫۰ ۲۱٫۱ Encyclopaedia Iranica. R. N. Frye. Peoples of Iran.
  22. RUDI MATTHEE, "GEORGIANS IN THE SAFAVID ADMINISTRATION" in Encyclopædia Iranica [۱]
  23. Anthony Bryer. "Greeks and Türkmens: The Pontic Exception", Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 29. , (1975), Appendix II - Genealogy of the Muslim Marriages of the Princesses of Trebizond
  24. In the Silsilat an-nasab-i Safawiya (composed during the reign of Shah Suleiman)(1667–1694), written by Shah Hussab ibn Abdal Zahidi, the ancestory of the Safavid is traced back to Hijaz and the first Shi'i Imam as follows: Shaykh Safi al-din Abul Fatah Eshaq ibn (son of) Shaykh Amin al-Din Jabrail ibn Qutb al-din ibn Salih ibn Muhammad al-Hafez ibn Awad ibn Firuz Shah Zarin Kulah ibn Majd ibn Sharafshah ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn Seyyed Ja'afar ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Isma'il ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Ahmad 'Arabi ibn Seyyed Qasim ibn Seyyed Abul Qasim Hamzah ibn Musa al-Kazim ibn Ja'far As-Sadiq ibn Muhammad al-Baqir ibn Imam Zayn ul-'Abedin ibn Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Taleb Alayha as-Salam. There are differences between this and the oldest manuscript of Safwat as-Safa. Seyyeds have been added from Piruz Shah Zarin Kulah up to the first Shi'i Imam and the nisba "Al-Kurdi" has been excised. The title/name "Abu Bakr" (also the name of the first Caliph and highly regarded by Sunnis) is deleted from Qutb ad-Din's name. ُSource: Husayn ibn Abdāl Zāhidī, 17th cent. Silsilat al-nasab-i Safavīyah, nasabnāmah-'i pādishāhān bā ʻuzmat-i Safavī, ta'līf-i Shaykh Husayn pisar-i Shaykh Abdāl Pīrzādah Zāhidī dar 'ahd-i Shāh-i Sulaymnān-i Safavī. Berlīn, Chāpkhānah-'i Īrānshahr, 1343 (1924). 116 pages. Original Persian language source of the lineage: شیخ صفی‌الدین ابوالفتح اسحق بن شیخ امین‌الدین جبراییل بن قطب‌الدین بن صالح بن محمدالحافظ بن عوض بن فیروزشاه زرین‌کلاه بن محمد بن شرف‌شاه بن محمد بن حسن بن سید محمد بن ابراهیم بن سید جعفر بن سید محمد بن سید اسمعیل بن سید محمد بن سید احمد اعرابی بن سید قاسم بن سید ابوالقاسم حمزه بن موسی‌الکاظم بن جعفرالصادق بن محمدالباقر بن امام زین‌العابدین بن حسین بن علی بن ابی‌طالب علیه‌السلام
  25. R.M. Savory, "Safavid Persia" in: Ann Katherine Swynford Lambton, Peter Malcolm Holt, Bernard Lewis, "The Cambridge History of Islam", Cambridge University Press, 1977. pg 394: "They (Safavids after the establishment of the Safavid state) fabricated evidence to prove that the Safavids were Sayyids."
  26. E. Yarshater,"AZERBAIJAN vii. The Iranian Language of Azerbaijan",Encyclopædia Iranica,Vol. III, Fasc. 3, pp. 238-245
  27. Roger M. Savory. "Safavids" in Peter Burke, Irfan Habib, خلیل اینالجیک:"History of Humanity-Scientific and Cultural Development: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century", Taylor & Francis. ۱۹۹۹. Excerpt from pg ۲۵۹: "From the evidence available at the present time, it is certain that the Safavid family was of indigineous Iranian stock, and not of Turkish ancestry as it is sometimes claimed. It is probable that the family originated in Persian Kurdistan, and later moved to Azerbaijan, where they adopted the Azari form of Turkish spoken there, and eventually settled in the small town of Ardabil sometimes during the eleventh century."
  28. (Minorsky, V. ; "Adgharbaydjan (Azarbaydjan), Encyclopedia of Islam. ۲nd edition. Edited by P. Berman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Henrichs. Brill 2009. Accessed through Brill online: www.encislam.brill.nl (۲۰۰۹)
  29. ۲۹٫۰ ۲۹٫۱ ۲۹٫۲ ۲۹٫۳ Z. V. Togan, "Sur l’Origine des Safavides," in Melanges Louis Massignon, Damascus, 1957, III, pp. ۳۴۵-۵۷
  30. EBN BAZZAÚZR.M. Savory. Ebn Bazzaz, Encyclopædia Iranica
  31. Roger M. Savory. "Safavids" in Peter Burke, Irfan Habib, خلیل اینالجیک:"History of Humanity-Scientific and Cultural Development: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century", Taylor & Francis. 1999. Excerpt from pg 259: "From the evidence available at the present time, it is certain that the Safavid family was of indigineous Iranian stock, and not of Turkish ancestry as it is sometimes claimed. It is probable that the family originated in Persian Kurdistan, and later moved to Azerbaijan, where they adopted the Azari form of Turkish spoken there, and eventually settled in the small town of Ardabil sometimes during the eleventh century."
  32. John R. Perry, "Turkic-Iranian contacts", Encyclopaedia Iranica, January 24, 2006. Excerpt: the Turcophone Safavid family of Ardabil in Azerbaijan, probably of Turkicized Iranian (perhaps Kurdish), origin
  33. Heinz Halm, شیعه, translated by Janet Watson. New Material translated by Marian Hill, 2nd edition, Columbia University Press, pp ۷۵
  34. Ira Marvin Lapidus. A History of Islamic Societies, Cambridge University Press, 2002, p. ۲۳۳
  35. Tapper, Richard, FRONTIER NOMADS OF IRAN. A political and social history of the Shahsevan. Cambridge, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1997. pp 39.
  36. Izady, Mehrdad, The Kurds: A Concise Handbook. Taylor and Francis, Inc. , Washington. ۱۹۹۲. pp ۵۰
  37. E. Yarshater, Encyclopaedia Iranica, "The Iranian Language of Azerbaijan"
  38. Kathryn Babayan, Mystics, Monarchs and Messiahs: Cultural Landscapes of Early Modern Iran , Cambridge , Mass. ; London: Harvard University Press, 2002. pg ۱۴۳: “It is true that during their revolutionary phase (۱۴۴۷–۱۵۰۱), Safavi guides had played on their descent from the family of the Prophet. The hagiography of the founder of the Safavi order, Shaykh Safi al-Din Safvat al-Safa written by Ibn Bazzaz in ۱۳۵۰-was tampered with during this very phase. An initial stage of revisions saw the transformation of Safavi identity as Sunni Kurds into Arab blood descendants of Muhammad. ”
  39. Emeri van Donzel, Islamic Desk Reference compiled from the Encyclopedia of Islam, E.J. Brill, 1994, pp ۳۸۱
  40. Farhad Daftary, Intellectual Traditions in Islam, I.B.Tauris, 2000. pp ۱۴۷:But the origins of the family of Shaykh Safi al-Din go back not to the Hijaz but to Kurdistan, from where, seven generations before him, Firuz Shah Zarin-kulah had migrated to Adharbayjan.
  41. Gene Ralph Garthwaite, “The Persians”, Blackwell Publishing, 2004. pg ۱۵۹: Chapter on Safavids. "The Safavid family’s base of power sprang from a Sufi order, and the name of the order came from its founder Shaykh Safi al-Din. The Shaykh’s family had been resident in Azerbaijan since Saljuk times and then in Ardabil, and was probably Kurdish in origin.
  42. Elton L. Daniel, The history of Iran, Greenwood Press, 2000. pg ۸۳:The Safavid order had been founded by Shaykh Safi al-Din (۱۲۵۲–۱۳۳۴), a man of uncertain but probably Kurdish origin
  43. Muhammad Kamal, Mulla Sadra's Transcendent Philosophy, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. , ۲۰۰۶. pg ۲۴:"The Safawid was originally a Sufi order whose founder, Shaykh Safi al-Din (۱۲۵۲–۱۳۳۴) was a Sunni Sufi master from a Kurdish family in north-west Iran"
  44. Roger M. Savory. "Safavids" in Peter Burke, Irfan Habib, Halil Inalci: History of Humanity-Scientific and Cultural Development: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, Taylor & Francis. ۱۹۹۹. Excerpt from pg ۲۵۹: "From the evidence available at the present time, it is certain that the Safavid family was of indigineous Iranian stock, and not of Turkish ancestry as it is sometimes claimed. It is probable that the family originated in Persian Kurdistan, and later moved to Azerbaijan, where they adopted the Azari form of Turkish spoken there, and eventually settled in the small town of Ardabil sometimes during the eleventh century.[۲]
  45. Federal Research Division, Federal Research Div Staff, Turkey: A Country Study, Kessinger Publishers, 2004. pg ۱۴۱:"Unlike, the Sunni Turks, who follow the Hanafi school of Islamic law, the Sunni Kurds follow the Shafi'i school.
  46. http://irantarikh.com/tarikh/safavi01.pdf
  47. تاریخ ایران از زمان باستان تا امروز، ا. آ. گرانتوسکی - م. آ. داندامایو، مترجم، کیخسرو کشاورزی، ناشر: مروارید ۱۳۸۵
  48. احمدی، حسین، تالشان (از دوره صفویه تا پایان جنگ دوم ایران و روس)، مرکز اسناد و تاریخ دیپلماسی، تهران ۱۳۸۰.
  49. کسروی، احمد، آذری یا زبان باستان آذربایجان، ۱۳۰۴، ص. ۳۳-۲۶.
  50. سازمان اسناد و کتابخانه ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، پورتال دبیرخانه دائمی شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی ابن بزار اردبیلی که کتابی در ترجمهٔ احوال و اقوال و کرامات او نوشته و پژوهشگران آن را مأخذی معتبر می‌شمارند، می‌نویسد صفی الدین در جوانی از بابت زیبایی و حسن صورت چنان بود که او را " یوسف ثانی " لقب داده بودند و"… به سن بلوغ نا رسیده زنان در عشق او دست‌ها می‌بریدند " ولی " دل مبارک او از ایشان می‌رمید " و این حسن صورت در دوران بلوغ به مرتبه‌ای که اولیاءالله " وی را پیر آذری خواندندی " و " جماعت طالبان او را زرین محاسن می‌گفتند "
  51. "Safavid order was founded by Safi al-Din (1252/53-1334) whose ancestors had during three centuries acquired a reputation for piety in Azerbaijani mountain town of Ardabil." See MacEachern, Sally, The New Cultural Atlas of the Islamic World, Marshall Cavendish, 2010, p. 48.
  52. سازمان اسناد و کتابخانه ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، پورتال دبیرخانه دائمی شیخ صفی‌الدین اردبیلی شیخ صفی الدین ابوالفتح اسحق بن شیخ امین‌الدین جبرائیل اردبیلی(۶۵۰-۷۳۵ه. ق) عارف و صوفی مشهور ایرانی، که سلاطین به سبب انتساب به نام او به صفویه یا صفویان موسوم شده‌اند. صفی الدین پسر سلطان جبرائیل بود و در اردبیل به دنیا آمد (۷۱۳ - ۶۳۱ خورشیدی برابر ۷۳۵ - ۶۵۰ قمری) پدر و اجداد وی در قریه کلخوران اردبیل زراعت داشتند و پیشینیان آنها از قریه رنگین گیلان به اسفرنجان در حدود اردبیل آمده بودند.
  53. ترکمان، اسکندر بیگ، تاریخ عالم‌آرای عباسی، نشر امیرکبیر، تهران، ۱۳۸۲. ص. ۱۵. (تیمور لنگ) یک مرتبه وقتی که از جیحون بعزم یورش خراسان عبور می‌نمود تازیانه‌اش بر آب افتاد. درویشی زنده پوش (خواجه علی) بنظرش آمد که تازیانه‌اش را از آب براورده بدستش داد. امیر تیمور بدین معنی تفال نموده از احوال شریفش پرسید. آن درویش گفت موطنم اردبیل، محل ظهورم دزفول و مدفنم قدس خلیل خواهد بود. (...)
  54. کسروی، احمد، آذری یا زبان باستان آذربایجان، ۱۳۰۴، ص. ۱۸.
  55. M. Conan, D. Oaks, Middle East Garden Traditions: Unity and Diversity: Questions, Methods and Resources in a Multicultural Perspective, Volume 31, 2007, p. 113.
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  82. ۸۲٫۰۰ ۸۲٫۰۱ ۸۲٫۰۲ ۸۲٫۰۳ ۸۲٫۰۴ ۸۲٫۰۵ ۸۲٫۰۶ ۸۲٫۰۷ ۸۲٫۰۸ ۸۲٫۰۹ ۸۲٫۱۰ ۸۲٫۱۱ ۸۲٫۱۲ ۸۲٫۱۳ ۸۲٫۱۴ کمپفر؛ سفرنامه
  83. Roemer, H. R. (1986). "The Safavid Period". The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 189–350. ISBN 0-521-20094-6. Excerpt from Page 331:"Depressing though the condition in the country may have been at the time of the fall of Safavids, they cannot be allowed to overshadow the achievements of the dynasty, which was in many respects to prove essential factor in the development of Persia in modern times. These include the maintanence of Persian as the official language and of the present-day boundaries of the country, adherence to the Twelever Shi'i, the monarchical system,
  84. دانشنامه بریتانیکا
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  87. کتاب :ایران عهد صفوی، نوشته راجر سیوری، ترجمه کامبیز عزیزی، صفحه ۲۱۲
  88. Voyages du Chevalier Chardin en Perse (Paris, ۱۸۱۱),IV,۲۳۸
  89. . William Bayne Fisher, Peter Jackson, Laurence Lockhart, J. A. Boyle The Cambridge history of Iran. Britain: Cambridge University Press, 1986. 1120. ISBN 0-521-20094-6, 9780521200943.  Retrieved on 2 April 2008.
  90. تاریخ تحولات سیاسی، اجتماعی، اقتصادی و فرهنگی ایران در دوران صفویه، صص ۱ تا ۲۰ (همهٔ فصل یکم این کتاب به شناساندن و بررسی بن‌مایه‌های تاریخی صفویه چه از ایرانی و ناایرانی و سفرنامه‌ها و منشات و دیگر پرداخته‌است)
  91. خوزستان کنونی
  92. کرانه‌های غربی گرجستان در تصرف عثمانی بوده است
  93. در افغانستان کنونی
  94. یا همان شروان که بخش‌های اصلی جمهوری آذربایجان کنونی است
  95. در افغانستان کنونی
  96. آذربایجان کنونی
  97. ارمنستان کنونی
  98. در جمهوری آذربایجان کنونی
  99. استان گلستان کنونی
  100. استان کهگیلویه و بویراحمد کنونی
  101. مرو که اکنون بخشی از ترکمنستان است
  102. استان همدان کنونی

جستارهای وابسته[ویرایش]

منابع[ویرایش]

  • غفاری‌فرد، عباسقلی، تاریخ تحولات سیاسی، اجتماعی، اقتصادی و فرهنگی ایران در دوران صفویه، سازمان سمت، ۱۳۸۱.
  • دانشنامه رشد.
  • نوروزی، جمشید. تمدن ابران در دورهٔ صفویه. انتشارات مدرسه، ۱۳۹۱. شابک ‎۹۷۸-۹۶۴-۰۸-۰۰۶۱-۴. 
  • جعفریان، رسول؛ صفویه از ظهور تا زوال، تهران: موسسه فرهنگی دانش و اندیشه معاصر، چاپ اول: ۱۳۷۸
  • جعفریان، رسول، دین و سیاست در دوره صفوی، قم:انصاریان، ۱۳۷۰
  • نجفی، موسی، مقدمه تحلیلی تاریخ تحولات سیاسی ایران، تهران: مرکز فرهنگی انتشاراتی منیر، چاپ دوم:۱۳۷۸
  • هوشنگ مهدوی، عبدالرضا؛ تاریخ روابط خارجی ایران از ابتدای دوران صفویه تا پایان جنگ جهانی دوم، تهران: امیرکبیر
  • کمپفر؛ سفرنامه
  • اسکندر بیک منشی، عالم آرای عباسی.
  • احمد کسروی. آذری، یا زبان باستانِ آذربایجان.
  • احمد کسروی. شیخ صفی و تبارش.
  • صفا، ذبیح اللّه، تاریخ ادبیات ایران (۵جلد)، انتشارات فردوس، ۱۳۶۷.
  • لاکهارت، لارنس، انقراض سلسله صفویه و ایام سلطه افغان‌ها در ایران، ترجمه مصطفی قلی عماد، تهران، ۱۳۴۳.
  • کتابهای تاریخ سال سوم راهنمایی و تاریخ ایران ۲ (رشته علوم انسانی)، سازمان پژوهش و برنامه ریزی آموزشی، ۱۳۸۵ و ۱۳۸۲.

پیوند به بیرون[ویرایش]

جستجو در ویکی‌انبار در ویکی‌انبار پرونده‌هایی دربارهٔ صفویان موجود است.

کتابشناسی[ویرایش]

  • الگود، سیریل. تاریخ پزشکی ایران و سرزمین‌های خلافت شرقی. باهرفرقانی. تهران:امیرکبیر، ۱۳۷۱.
  • باستانی پاریزی، محمد ابراهیم. سیاست و اقتصاد عصر صفوی. تهران:صفی علیشاه، ۱۳۶۷.

Safavid Dynasty of Persia[1][2]
سلسلهٔ صفويان
Ṣafawīyān Irân
1501–1736
Flag[3] Emblem[4]
The Safavid Empire under Shah Abbas the Great
Capital Tabriz
(1501–1555)
Qazvin
(1555–1598)
Isfahan
(1598–1736)
Languages
  • Persian (official,[5] coinage,[6][7] civil administration,[8] court (since Isfahan became capital),[9] high literature,[8] literary,[6][10] theological discourse,[6] diplomatic correspondence, belles-lettres (adab), historiography,[11] court-based religious posts[12])
  • Azerbaijani (court, (until Isfahan became capital)[9] religious dignitaries, military)[11][13][14][15]
Religion Twelver Shia Islama
Government Theocratic Monarchy
Shahanshah
 -  1501–1524 Ismail I (first)
 -  1732–1736 Abbas III (last)
Legislature Council of State
History
 -  Establishment of the Safaviyya by Safi-ad-din Ardabili 1301
 -  Established 1501
 -  Hotaki Invasion 1722
 -  Reconquest under Nader Shah 1726–29
 -  Disestablished March 1736
 -  Nader Shah crowned 1 October 1736
Area 2,850,000 km² (1,100,391 sq mi)
Currency Tuman, Abbasi, Shahi.[16]
  • 1 Tuman = 50 Abbasi.
  • 1 Tuman = 50 French Livre.
  • 1 Tuman = £3 6s 8d.
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Timurid dynasty
Ak Koyunlu
Marashiyan
Paduspanids
Mihrabanids
Afrasiab dynasty
Kia'i dynasty
Hotaki dynasty
Afsharid dynasty
Mosul Eyalet
Baghdad Eyalet
Basra Eyalet
Today part of
a State religion.[17]

The Safavid dynasty (Persian: سلسلهٔ صفويان‎; Azerbaijani: Səfəvilər, صفویلر) was one of the most significant ruling dynasties of Persia (modern Iran), and "is often considered the beginning of modern Persian history".[18] They ruled one of the greatest Persian empires after the Muslim conquest of Persia[19][20][21][22] and established the Twelver school of Shi'a Islam[23] as the official religion of their empire, marking one of the most important turning points in Muslim history. The Safavids ruled from 1501 to 1722 (experiencing a brief restoration from 1729 to 1736) and, at their height, they controlled all of modern Iran, Azerbaijan, Bahrain and Armenia, most of Georgia, the North Caucasus, Iraq, Kuwait and Afghanistan, as well as parts of Turkey, Syria, Pakistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Safavid Iran was one of the Islamic "gunpowder empires", along with its neighbours, its arch rival the Ottoman Empire, and Mughal Empire.

The Safavid dynasty had its origin in the Safaviyya Sufi order, which was established in the city of Ardabil in the Azerbaijan region. It was of mixed ancestry (Azerbaijani,[24] Kurdish,[25] Persian,[26] and Turkmen[27] which included intermarriages with Georgian,[28] Circassian,[29][30] and Pontic Greek[31] dignitaries). From their base in Ardabil, the Safavids established control over all of Greater Iran and reasserted the Iranian identity of the region,[32] thus becoming the first native dynasty since the Sassanid Empire to establish a unified Iranian state.[33]

Despite their demise in 1736, the legacy that they left behind was the revival of Persia as an economic stronghold between East and West, the establishment of an efficient state and bureaucracy based upon "checks and balances", their architectural innovations and their patronage for fine arts. The Safavids have also left their mark down to the present era by spreading Shi'a Islam in Iran, as well as major parts of the Caucasus, Anatolia, Central Asia, and South Asia.

Contents

Genealogy—The Ancestors of The Safavids and its multi-cultural identity

The Safavid Kings themselves claimed to be Seyyeds,[34] family descendants of the prophet Muhammad, although many scholars have cast doubt on this claim.[35] There seems now to be a consensus among scholars that the Safavid family hailed from Persian Kurdistan,[23] and later moved to Azerbaijan, finally settling in the 11th century CE at Ardabil. Traditional pre-1501 Safavid manuscripts trace the lineage of the Safavids to the Kurdish dignitary, Firuz Shah Zarin-Kulah.[25][36]

According to some historians,[37][38] including Richard Frye, the Safavids were of Turkicized Iranian origin:[24]

The Turkish speakers of Azerbaijan are mainly descended from the earlier Iranian speakers, several pockets of whom still exist in the region. A massive migration of Oghuz Turks in the 11th and 12th centuries not only Turkified Azerbaijan but also Anatolia. Azeri Turks were the founders of Safavid dynasty.

Other historians, such as Vladimir Minorsky[39] and Roger Savory, support this idea:[26]

From the evidence available at the present time, it is certain that the Safavid family was of indigineous Iranian stock, and not of Turkish ancestry as it is sometimes claimed. It is probable that the family originated in Persian Kurdistan, and later moved to Azerbaijan, where they adopted the Azari form of Turkish spoken there, and eventually settled in the small town of Ardabil sometimes during the eleventh century.

By the time of the establishment of the Safavid empire, the members of the family were native Turkish-speaking and Turkicized,[13][40] and some of the Shahs composed poems in their native Turkish language. Concurrently, the Shahs themselves also supported Persian literature, poetry and art projects including the grand Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp,[41][42] while members of the family and some Shahs composed Persian poetry as well.[43][44] In terms of identity, it should be noted that the authority of the Safavids were religiously based and they based their legitimacy on being direct male descendants of the Ali,[45] the cousin of the Prophet Muhammad, and the first Shi'ite Imam.

Background—The Safavid Sufi Order

Safavid history begins with the establishment of the Safaviyya by its eponymous founder Safi-ad-din Ardabili (1252–1334). In 700/1301, Safi al-Din assumed the leadership of the Zahediyeh, a significant Sufi order in Gilan, from his spiritual master and father-in-law Zahed Gilani. Due to the great spiritual charisma of Safi al-Din, the order was later known as the Safaviyya. The Safavid order soon gained great influence in the city of Ardabil and Hamdullah Mustaufi noted that most of the people of Ardabil were followers of Safi al-Din.

Extant religious poetry from him, written in the Old Azari language[46][47]—a now-extinct Northwestern Iranian language—and accompanied by a paraphrase in Persian which helps their understanding, has survived to this day and has linguistic importance.[46]

After Safī al-Dīn, the leadership of the Safaviyya passed onto Sadr al-Dīn Mūsā († 794/1391–92). The order at this time was transformed into a religious movement which conducted religious propaganda throughout Persia, Syria and Asia Minor, and most likely had maintained its Sunni Shafi’ite origin at that time. The leadership of the order passed on from Sadr ud-Dīn Mūsā to his son Khwādja Ali († 1429) and in turn to his son Ibrāhīm († 1429–47).

When Shaykh Junayd, the son of Ibrāhim, assumed the leadership of the Safaviyya in 1447, the history of the Safavid movement was radically changed. According to R.M. Savory, "'Sheikh Junayd was not content with spiritual authority and he sought material power'". At that time, the most powerful dynasty in Persia was that of the Kara Koyunlu, the "Black Sheep", whose ruler Jahan Shah ordered Junāyd to leave Ardabil or else he would bring destruction and ruin upon the city.[23] Junayd sought refuge with the rival of Kara Koyunlu Jahan Shah, the Aq Qoyunlu (White Sheep Turkomans) Khan Uzun Hassan, and cemented his relationship by marrying Uzun Hassan's sister, Khadija Begum. Junayd was killed during an incursion into the territories of the Shirvanshah and was succeeded by his son Haydar Safavi. Haydar married Martha 'Alamshah Begom,[31] Uzun Hassan's daughter, who gave birth to Ismail I, founder of the Safavid dynasty. Martha's mother Theodora—better known as Despina Khatun[48]—was a Pontic Greek princess, the daughter of the Grand Komnenos John IV of Trebizond. She had been married to Uzun Hassan[49] in exchange for protection of the Grand Komnenos from the Ottomans.

After Uzun Hassan's death, his son Ya'qub felt threatened by the growing Safavid religious influence. Ya'qub allied himself with the Shirvanshah and killed Haydar in 1488. By this time, the bulk of the Safaviyya were nomadic Oghuz Turkic-speaking clans from Asia Minor and Azerbaijan and were known as Qizilbash "Red Heads" because of their distinct red headgear. The Qizilbash were warriors, spiritual followers of Haydar, and a source of the Safavid military and political power.

After the death of Haydar, the Safaviyya gathered around his son Ali Mirza Safavi, who was also pursued and subsequently killed by Ya'qub. According to official Safavid history, before passing away, Ali had designated his young brother Ismail as the spiritual leader of the Safaviyya.[23]

History

Founding of the dynasty by Shāh Ismāil I

Main article: Ismail I

Persia prior to Ismāil's rule

After the decline of the Timurid Empire (1370–1506), Persia was politically splintered, giving rise to a number of religious movements. The demise of Tamerlane's political authority created a space in which several religious communities, particularly Shi’i ones, could now come to the fore and gain prominence. Among these were a number of Sufi brotherhoods, the Hurufis, Nuqtawis and Musha‘sha‘. Of these various movements, the Safawid Qizilbash was the most politically resilient, and it was on account of its success that Shah Isma’il I gained political prominence in 1501 CE.[50] There were many local states prior to the Iranian state established by Ismāil.[51] The most important local rulers about 1500 were:

Ismāil was able to unite all these lands under the Iranian Empire he created.

Rise of Shāh Ismāil I

Shah Ismail I

The Safavid dynasty was founded about 1501 by Shāh Ismāil I.[52] Shah Ismail's background is disputed: the language he used is not identical with that of his "race" or "nationality" and he was bilingual from birth.[53] Some scholars argue that Ismāil was of mixed Azeri, Kurdish, and Pontic Greek descent,[24] although others argue that he was non-Azeri[53] and was a direct descendant of Kurdish mystic Sheikh Safi al-Din. As such, he was the last in the line of hereditary Grand Masters of the Safaviyeh order, prior to its ascent to a ruling dynasty. Ismāil was known as a brave and charismatic youth, zealous with regards to his Shi’a faith, and believed himself to be of divine descent—practically worshipped by his Qizilbāsh followers. In 1500, Ismāil invaded neighboring Shirvan to avenge the death of his father, Sheik Haydar, who had been murdered in 1488 by the ruling Shirvanshah, Farrukh Yassar. Afterwards, Ismail went on a conquest campaign, capturing Tabriz in July 1501, where he enthroned himself the Shāh of Azerbaijan,[54][55][56] proclaimed himself Shahanshah of Iran[57][58][59] and minted coins in his name, proclaiming Shi’ism the official religion of his domain.[23] The establishment of Shi’ism as the state religion led to various Sufi orders openly declaring their Shi’i position, and others, to promptly assume Shi’ism. Among these, the founder of one of the most successful Sufi orders, Ni’matullah (d. 1431) traced his descent from the Ismaili Imam Muhammad b. Ismail, as evidenced in a poem as well as another unpublished literary composition. Though Nimatullah was apparently Sunni, the Ni’matullahi order soon declared his order to be Shi’I after the rise of the Safavid dynasty.[60]

Although Ismail I initially gained mastery over Azerbaijan alone, the Safavids ultimately won the struggle for power in all of Persia which had been going on for nearly a century between various dynasties and political forces. A year after his victory in Tabriz, Ismāil claimed most of Persia as part of his territory,[23] and within 10 years established a complete control over all of it. Ismail followed the line of Iranian and Turkmen rulers prior to him by assumption of the title "Padishah-i-Iran", previously held by Uzun Hasan and many other Iranian kings.[61] The Ottoman sultans addressed him as the king of Persian lands and the heir to Jamshid and Kai Khosrow.[62] Hamadan fell under his power in 1503, Shiraz and Kerman in 1504, Diyarbakir, Najaf, and Karbala in 1507, Van in 1508, Shirvan and Baghdad in 1509, and Herat, as well as other parts of Khorasan, in 1510. By 1511, the Uzbeks in the north-east, led by their Khan Muhammad Shaybāni, were driven far to the north, across the Oxus River where they continued to attack the Safavids. Ismail's decisive victory over the Uzbeks, who had occupied most of Khorasan, ensured Iran's eastern borders, and the Uzbeks never since expanded beyond the Hindukush. Although the Uzbeks continued to make occasional raids to Khorasan, the Safavid empire was able to keep them at bay throughout its reign.

Clashes with the Ottomans

Main articles: Battle of Chaldiran and Qizilbash

More problematic for the Safavids was the powerful Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans, a Sunni dynasty, considered the active recruitment of Turkmen tribes of Anatolia for the Safavid cause as a major threat. To counter the rising Safavid power, in 1502, Sultan Bayezid II forcefully deported many Shi'as from Anatolia to other parts of the Ottoman realm. In 1514, Bayezid's son, Sultan Selim I marched through Anatolia and reached the plain of Chaldiran near the city of Khoy, and a decisive battle was fought there (Battle of Chaldiran). Most sources agree that the Ottoman army was at least double the size of that of Ismāil;[52] however, what gave the Ottomans the advantage was the artillery which the Safavid army lacked. According to R. M. Savory, "Salim's plan was to winter at Tabriz and complete the conquest of Persia the following spring. However, a mutiny among his officers who refused to spend the winter at Tabriz forced him to withdraw across territory laid waste by the Safavid forces, eight days later".[52] Although Ismāil was defeated and his capital was captured, the Safavid empire survived. The war between the two powers continued under Ismāil's son, Shāh Tahmāsp I (q.v.), and the Ottoman Sultan Suleiman I, until Shāh Abbās (q.v.) retook the area lost to the Ottomans by 1602.

Shāh Ismāil's empire

The consequences of the defeat at Chaldiran were also psychological for Ismāil: the defeat destroyed Ismāil's belief in his invincibility, based on his claimed divine status.[23] His relationships with his Qizilbāsh followers were also fundamentally altered. The tribal rivalries between the Qizilbāsh, which temporarily ceased before the defeat at Chaldiran, resurfaced in intense form immediately after the death of Ismāil, and led to ten years of civil war (930-40/1524-33) until Shāh Tahmāsp regained control of the affairs of the state.

Early Safavid power in Iran was based on the military power of the Qizilbāsh. Ismāil exploited the first element to seize power in Iran. But eschewing politics after his defeat in Chaldiran, he left the affairs of the government to the office of the Wakīl (q.v.). Ismāil's successors, and most ostensibly Shāh Abbās I successfully diminished the Qizilbāsh's influence on the affairs of the state.

Shāh Tahmāsp

Main article: Shah Tahmasp
Shah Tahmasp, fresco on the walls of the Chehel Sotoun Palace
Safavid Persian Empire, in 1598
Map of Safavid Persia, in 1610

Shāh Tahmāsp, the young governor of Herat, succeeded his father Ismāil in 1524, when he was ten years and three months old. He was the ward of the powerful Qizilbash amir Ali Beg Rūmlū (titled "Div Soltān") who saw himself as the de facto ruler of the state. The qizilbash, which still suffered under the legacy of the battle of Chaldiran, was engulfed in internal rivalries. The low morale within the military, and the decentralized structure of the government, with much power in the hands of local governors, eventually led to 10 years of civil war. Rival Qizilbāsh factions fought amongst themselves for the control of the empire until Shāh Tahmāsp came of age and reasserted his authority. Tahmasp reigned for 52 years, the longest reign in Safavid history.[23]

The Uzbeks, during the reign of Tahmāsp, attacked the eastern provinces of the kingdom five times and the Ottomans under Soleymān I initiated four invasions of Persia.[63] Losing territory in Iraq and the north-west, Tahmāsp realized that his capital was not secure, and he was forced to move the capital from Tabriz to Qazvin. Tahmasp made the Peace of Amasya with the Ottomans in 1555, ending the war during his life.[23]

Alliances to the East—The Mughal Emperor at the Shah's court

Almost simultaneously with the emergence of the Safavid Empire, another Muslim society was developing in South-Asia. The Mughal Empire, which ruled a largely Hindu population, adhered to Sunni Islam. But a common foe, in the Uzbeks, would eventually lead the two empires closer together. During the reign of Tahmasp, Shah Humayun of Mughal Hindustan found himself in a desperate situation, with devastating wars being fought against the Afghans and the Uzbeks and Humayuns brother, Kamran, attempting a coup d'état.[64] Having to flee from city to city, Humayun eventually sought refuge at the court of Tahmasp. Tahmasp, who refused to hand him over to his brother, greeted Humayun at his court in Qazvin as the true emperor of the Mughal dynasty, despite the fact that Humayun had been living in exile for more than fifteen years.[64][65] After converting to Shia Islam,[66] Tahmasp offered him military assistance to fight off the revolts in return for Kandahar, which had for long been a battle ground between the two empires, and a combined Persian-Mughal force managed to seize Kandahar and occupy Kabul.[67] This eventually led to strong ties between the Safavids and the Mughals, and they persisted, almost unabated, throughout the history of the Safavid dynasty.

Legacy of Shah Tahmasp

Shah Tahmasp greets the exiled Humayun

When Shah Tahmasp entered the throne at a young age, Persia was in a dire state. But despite of a weak economy, a civil war and wars being fought on two fronts, Tahmasp had managed to maintain his position as the shah. During the first 30 years of his long reign, he had managed to suppress the internal divisions, slowly elevate the strength of the military to a level that finally led to the retreat of the Ottomans during the fourth war in 1533, and, in 1553, even wage a campaign against the Ottomans. This resulted in the peace treaty of Amasya, a treaty that favoured the Persians and secured Tabriz and the North-Western borders.[68] Some years before, in 1528, he had also converted an unfavorable war against the Uzbeks, at the battle of Jam, into a victory by the Persians.[69]

Starting with Tahmasp a new policy was created as well, namely the introduction of extremely large amounts of Caucasian elements into the Persian society, who would continue to play a crucial role in Persia's royal household, Harem and in the civil and military administration.[70][71] These Caucasian elements consisted of huge amounts of mostly Georgians, Circassians and Armenians, gained mostly by conquest and slave trade (like with the Ottomans). This policy would grow even more significantly under Tahmasp' successors (most notably Shah Abbas I), and would last up to the Qajar Dynasty.

When Shah Tahmasp's throne was overtaken by his successor, Persia was in a calm state, with secure borders and cordial relations with the neighbours to both east and west. What remained unchanged, was the decentralized power structure of the government, and that would not change until the throne was overtaken by his grandson, Shah Abbas.

After the death of Tahmāsp in 984/1576, the struggle for a dominant position in the state flared up again and was complicated by rival groups and factions. Dominant political factions vied for power and support three different candidates. The mentally unstable Ismāil, the son of Tahmāsp and the purblind Muhammad Khudābanda were some of the candidates but did not get the support of all the Qizilbāsh chiefs. The Turkmen Ustājlū tribe, one of the most powerful tribes among the Qizilbāsh, threw its support behind Haydar, who was of a Georgian mother, but the majority of the Qizilbāsh chiefs saw this as a threat to their own, Turkmen-dominated power. Instead, they first placed Ismāil II. on the throne (1576–77) and after him Muhammad Shāh Khudābanda (1578–88).[23]

In addition, Tahmasp must be credited for the revival of the fine arts, which flourished under his patronage and were brought to the pitch of perfection. Safavid culture is often admired for the large-scale city planning and architecture, achievements made during the reign of later shahs, but the arts of persian miniature, book-binding and calligraphy, in fact, never received as much attention as they did during his time.[72]

Shah Abbas

Main article: Abbas I of Persia
Shah ‘Abbās King of the Persians.
Copper engraving by Dominicus Custos, Atrium heroicum Caesarum (1600–2).
The map of Safavid Empire in 1720, showing different states of Persia.
Part of Safavid Persian Empire (on right) and middle east. Emanuel Bowen, 1744–52.

The greatest of the Safavid monarchs, Shah Abbas I (1587–1629) came to power in 1587 aged 16 following the forced abdication of his father, Shah Muhammad Khudābanda, having survived Qizilbashi court intrigues and murders. He recognized the ineffectualness of his army which was consistently being defeated by the Ottomans who had captured Georgia and Armenia and by Uzbeks who had captured Mashhad and Sistan in the east. First he sued for peace in 1590 with the Ottomans giving away territory in the north-west. Then two Englishmen, Robert Sherley and his brother Anthony, helped Abbas I to reorganize the Shah's soldiers into an officer-paid and well-trained standing army similar to a European model (which the Ottomans had already adopted). He wholeheartedly adopted the use of gunpowder (See Military history of Iran). The army divisions were: Ghulams غلام (crown servants,[73] conscripted from the en masse deported and imported Georgians and Circassians), Tofangchis (تفگنچى, musketeers), and Topchis (Tupchis, توپچى, artillery-men).

Abbas moved the capital to Isfahan, deeper into central Iran. Abbas I built a new city next to the ancient Persian one. From this time the state began to take on a more Persian character. The Safavids ultimately succeeded in establishing a new Persian national monarchy.

Abbas I first fought the Uzbeks, recapturing Herat and Mashhad in 1598. Then he turned against Persia's arch rival, the Ottomans, recapturing Baghdad, eastern Iraq and the Caucasian provinces by 1622. He also used his new force to dislodge the Portuguese from Bahrain (1602) and, with English help, from Hormuz (1622), in the Persian Gulf (a vital link in Portuguese trade with India). He expanded commercial links with the English East India Company and the Dutch East India Company. Thus Abbas I was able to break the dependence on the Qizilbash for military might indefinitely and therefore was able to centralize control.

The Ottoman Turks and Safavids fought over the fertile plains of Iraq for more than 150 years. The capture of Baghdad by Ismail I in 1509 was only followed by its loss to the Ottoman Sultan Suleiman I in 1534. After subsequent campaigns, the Safavids recaptured Baghdad in 1623 yet lost it again to Murad IV in 1638. Henceforth a treaty, signed in Qasr-e Shirin, was established delineating a border between Iran and Turkey in 1639, a border which still stands in northwest Iran/southeast Turkey. The 150-year tug-of-war accentuated the Sunni and Shi'a rift in Iraq.

In 1609–10, a war broke out between Kurdish tribes and the Safavid Empire. After a long and bloody siege led by the Safavid grand vizier Hatem Beg, which lasted from November 1609 to the summer of 1610, the Kurdish stronghold of Dimdim was captured. Shah Abbas ordered a general massacre in Beradost and Mukriyan (Mahabad, reported by Eskandar Beg Monshi, Safavid Historian (1557–1642), in "Alam Ara Abbasi") and resettled the Turkic Afshar tribe in the region while deporting many Kurdish tribes to Khorasan.[74][75] Nowadays, there is a community of nearly 1.7 million people who are descendants of the tribes deported from Kurdistan to Khurasan (Northeastern Iran) by the Safavids.[76]

Due to his obsessive fear of assassination, Shah Abbas either put to death or blinded any member of his family who aroused his suspicion. One of his sons was executed and two blinded. Since two other sons had predeceased him, the result was personal tragedy for Shah Abbas. When he died on 19 January 1629, he had no son capable of succeeding him.[77]

The beginning of the 17th century saw the power of the Qizilbash decline, the original militia that had helped Ismail I capture Tabriz and which had gained many administrative powers over the centuries. Power was fully shifting to the new class of Caucasian deportees, many of the hundred thousands ethnic Georgians, Circassians, and Armenians.

At its zenith, during the long reign of Shah Abbas I the empire's reach comprised Iran, Iraq, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkaria, Bahrain, and parts of Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Turkey.

Contacts with Europe during Abbas' reign

The ambassador Husain Ali Beg led the first Persian embassy to Europe (1599–1602).

Abbas' tolerance towards Christians was part of his policy of establishing diplomatic links with European powers to try to enlist their help in the fight against their common enemy, the Ottoman Empire. The idea of such an anti-Ottoman alliance was not a new one—over a century before, Uzun Hassan, then ruler of part of Iran, had asked the Venetians for military aid—but none of the Safavids had made diplomatic overtures to Europe and Abbas' attitude was in marked contrast to that of his grandfather, Tahmasp I, who had expelled the English traveller Anthony Jenkinson from his court on hearing he was a Christian.[78] For his part, Abbas declared that he "preferred the dust from the shoe soles of the lowest Christian to the highest Ottoman personage."[79]

Fresco in the Doge's Palace in Venice depicting Doge Mariano Grimani receiving the Persian Ambassadors, 1599

In 1599, Abbas sent his first diplomatic mission to Europe. The group crossed the Caspian Sea and spent the winter in Moscow, before proceeding through Norway, Germany (where it was received by Emperor Rudolf II) to Rome where Pope Clement VIII gave the travellers a long audience. They finally arrived at the court of Philip III of Spain in 1602. Although the expedition never managed to return to Iran, being shipwrecked on the journey around Africa, it marked an important new step in contacts between Iran and Europe and Europeans began to be fascinated by the Iranians and their culture—Shakespeare's 1601–2 Twelfth Night, for example, makes two references (at II.5 and III.4) to 'the Sophy', then the English term for the Shahs of Iran.[80][81] Henceforward, the number of diplomatic missions to and fro greatly increased.[82]

The shah had set great store on an alliance with Spain, the chief opponent of the Ottomans in Europe. Abbas offered trading rights and the chance to preach Christianity in Iran in return for help against the Ottomans. But the stumbling block of Hormuz remained, a vassal kingdom which had fallen into Spanish Habsburgs hands when the King of Spain inherited the throne of Portugal in 1580. The Spanish demanded Abbas break off relations with the English East India Company before they would consider relinquishing the town. Abbas was unable to comply. Eventually Abbas became frustrated with Spain, as he did with the Holy Roman Empire, which wanted him to make his 400,000+ Armenian subjects swear allegiance to the Pope but did not trouble to inform the shah when the Emperor Rudolf signed a peace treaty with the Ottomans. Contacts with the Pope, Poland and Moscow were no more fruitful.[83]

More came of Abbas' contacts with the English, although England had little interest in fighting against the Ottomans. The Sherley brothers arrived in 1598 and helped reorganise the Iranian army. The English East India Company also began to take an interest in Iran and in 1622 four of its ships helped Abbas retake Hormuz from the Portuguese in the Capture of Ormuz (1622). It was the beginning of the East India Company's long-running interest in Iran.[84]

Decline of the Safavid state

Main articles: Hotaki dynasty and Afsharid dynasty
Shah Abbas the II holding a banquet for foreign dignitaries. Detail from a ceiling fresco at the Chehel Sotoun Palace in Isfahan.

In addition to fighting its perennial enemies, their arch rival the Ottomans and the Uzbeks as the 17th century progressed, Iran had to contend with the rise of new neighbors. Russian Muscovy in the previous century had deposed two western Asian khanates of the Golden Horde and expanded its influence into Europe, the Caucasus Mountains and Central Asia. In the far eastern territories, the Mughals of India had expanded into Khorasan (now Afghanistan) at the expense of Iranian control, briefly taking Qandahar.

More importantly, the Dutch East India company and later English/British used their superior means of maritime violence to control trade routes in the western Indian ocean. As a result, Iran was cut off from overseas links to East Africa, the Arabian peninsula, and South Asia.[85] But overland trade between Iran and South Asia grew. Many Indian merchants established a permanent presence in Iran and moved into Russia from the mid-seventeenth century.[86] Iran was also able to further develop its overland trade with North and Central Europe during the second half of the seventeenth century.[87] In the late seventeenth century, Iranian merchants established a permanent presence as far north as Narva on the Baltic sea, in what now is Estonia.[88]

The Dutch and English were still able to drain the Iranian government of much of its precious metal supplies. Except for Shah Abbas II, the Safavid rulers after Abbas I were therefore rendered ineffectual, and the Iranian government declined and finally collapsed when a serious military threat emerged on its eastern border in the early eighteenth century.[89] The end of the reign of Abbas II, 1666, thus marked the beginning of the end of the Safavid dynasty. Despite falling revenues and military threats, later shahs had lavish lifestyles. Sultan Husayn (1694–1722) in particular was known for his love of wine and disinterest in governance.[90]

Map of Persia, c. 1700 by Johann Baptist Homann (1644–1724)

The country was repeatedly raided on its frontiers—Kerman by Baloch tribes in 1698, Khorasan by the Hotakis in 1717, constantly in Mesopotamia by peninsula Arabs. Sultan Hosein tried to forcibly convert his Afghan subjects in Qandahar from Sunni to the Shi'a sect of Islam. In response, a Ghilzai Afghan chieftain named Mir Wais Hotak revolted and killed Gurgin Khan, the Safavid governor of the region, along with his army. In 1722, an Afghan army led by Mir Wais' son Mahmud advanced on the heart of the empire and defeated the government forces at the Battle of Gulnabad. He then besieged the capital of Isfahan, until Shah Sultan Husayn abdicated and acknowledged him as the new king of Persia.[91]

The tribal Afghans rode roughshod over their conquered territory for seven years but were prevented from making further gains by Nader Shah, a former slave who had risen to military leadership within the Afshar tribe in Khorasan, a vassal state of the Safavids. Quickly making name as a military genius both feared and respected amongst its friends and enemies (including Persia's arch rival the Ottoman Empire, and Russia; both empires Nader would deal with soon afterwards), Nader Shah easily defeated the Ghilzai Hotaki forces in the 1729 Battle of Damghan. He had removed them from power and banished them out of Persia, and in 1738 conquered their last stronghold in Qandahar; in the same year, in need of fortune to aid his military careers against his Ottoman and Russian imperial rivals, he started his invasion of the wealthy but weak Mughal Empire, occupying Ghazni, Kabul, Lahore, and as far as Delhi, in India, when he completely humiliated and looted the military inferior Mughals. These cities were later inherited by his Abdali Afghan military commander, Ahmad Shah Durrani. Nadir had effective control under Shah Tahmasp II and then ruled as regent of the infant Abbas III until 1736 when he had himself crowned shah.

Immediately after Nadir Shah's assassination in 1747, the Safavids were re-appointed as shahs of Iran in order to lend legitimacy to the nascent Zand dynasty. However the brief puppet regime of Ismail III ended in 1760 when Karim Khan felt strong enough to take nominal power of the country as well and officially end the Safavid dynasty.

Shia Islam as the state religion

Shah Suleiman I and his courtiers, Isfahan, 1670. Painter is Aliquli Jabbadar, and is kept at The St. Petersburg Institute of Oriental Studies in Russia, ever since it was acquired by Tsar Nicholas II. Note the two Georgian figures with their names at the top left.

Even though Safavids were not the first Shia rulers in Iran, they played a crucial role in making Shia Islam the official religion in the whole of Iran. There were large Shia communities in some cities like Qom and Sabzevar as early as the 8th century. In the 10th and 11th centuries the Buwayhids, who were of the Zaidiyyah branch of Shia, ruled in Fars, Isfahan and Baghdad. As a result of the Mongol conquest and the relative religious tolerance of the Ilkhanids, Shia dynasties were re-established in Iran, Sarbedaran in Khorasan being the most important. The Ilkhanid ruler Öljaitü converted to Twelver Shiism in the 13th century.

Following his conquest of Iran, Ismail I made conversion mandatory for the largely Sunni population. The Sunni Ulema or clergy were either killed or exiled. Ismail I, brought in mainstream Ithnā'ashariyyah Shi'a religious leaders and granted them land and money in return for loyalty. Later, during the Safavid and especially Qajar period, the Shia Ulema's power increased and they were able to exercise a role, independent of or compatible with the government.

Iran became a feudal theocracy: the Shah was held to be the divinely ordained head of state and religion. In the following centuries, this religious stance cemented both Iran's internal cohesion and national feelings and provoked attacks by its Sunni neighbors.

Military and the role of Qizilbash

Main article: Qizilbash
A Safavid helmet
Manikin of a safavid Qezelbash soldier, exhibited in Sa'dabad

The Qizilbash were a wide variety of Shi'ite (ghulāt) and mostly Turcoman militant groups who helped found the Safavid Empire. Their military power was essential during the reign of the Shahs Ismail and Tahmasp. The Qizilbash tribes were essential to the military of Iran until the rule of Shah Abbas I- their leaders were able to exercise enormous influence and participate in court intrigues (assassinating Shah Ismail II for example).

A major problem faced by Ismail I after the establishment of the Safavid state was how to bridge the gap between the two major ethnic groups in that state: the Qizilbash ("Redhead") Turcomans, the "men of sword" of classical Islamic society whose military prowess had brought him to power, and the Persian elements, the "men of the pen", who filled the ranks of the bureaucracy and the religious establishment in the Safavid state as they had done for centuries under previous rulers of Persia, be they Arabs, Mongols, or Turkmens. As Vladimir Minorsky put it, friction between these two groups was inevitable, because the Qizilbash "were no party to the national Persian tradition".

Between 1508 and 1524, the year of Ismail's death, the shah appointed five successive Persians to the office of vakil. When the second Persian vakil was placed in command of a Safavid army in Transoxiana, the Qizilbash, considering it a dishonor to be obliged to serve under him, deserted him on the battlefield with the result that he was slain. The fourth vakil was murdered by the Qizilbash, and the fifth was put to death by them.[52]

Reforms in the military

Shah Abbas realized that in order to retain absolute control over his empire without antagonizing the Qizilbash, he needed to create reforms that reduced the dependency that the shah had on their military support. Part of these reforms was the creation of the 3rd force within the aristocracy, but even more important in undermining the authority of the Qizilbash was the introduction of the Royal Corps into the military. This military force would serve the shah only and eventually consisted of four separate branches:[92]

  • Shahsevans: these were 12,000 strong and built up from the small group of qurchis that Shah Abbas had inherited from his predecessor. The Shahsevans, or "Friends of the King", were Qizilbash tribesmen who had forsaken their tribal allegiance for allegiance to the shah alone.[93]
  • Gulams: Tahmasp had started introducing huge amounts of Georgian, Circassian and Armenian slaves from the Caucasus, appointing them either in the harem, the royal household, military and civil administration. Shah Abbas expanded this program significantly and eventually created a force of 15,000 ghulam cavalrymen and 3,000 ghulam royal bodyguards. They would become the elite soldiers of the Safavid armies (like the Ottoman Jannisary).
  • Musketers: realizing the advantages that the Ottomans had because of their firearms, Shah Abbas was at pains to equip both the qurchi and the ghulam soldiers with up-to-date weaponry. More importantly, for the first time in Iranian history, a substantial infantry corps of musketeers (tofang-chis), numbering 12 000, was created.
  • Artillery Corps: with the help of Westerners, he also formed an artillery corps of 12 000 men, although this was the weakest element in his army. According to Sir Thomas Herbert, who accompanied the British embassy to Persia in 1628, the Persians relied heavily on support from the Europeans in manufacturing cannons.[94] It wasn't until a century later, when Nadir Shah became the Commander in Chief of the military that sufficient effort was put into modernizing the artillery corps and the Persians managed to excel and become self-sufficient in the manufacturing of firearms.

Despite the reforms, the Qizilbash would remain the strongest and most effective element within the military, accounting for more than half of its total strength.[94] But the creation of this large standing army, that, for the first time in Safavid history, was serving directly under the Shah, significantly reduced their influence, and perhaps any possibilities for the type of civil unrest that had caused havoc during the reign of the previous shahs.

Society

A proper term for the Safavid society is what we today can call a meritocracy, meaning a society in which officials were appointed on the basis of worth and merit, and not on the basis of birth. It was certainly not an oligarchy, nor was it an aristocracy. Sons of nobles were considered for the succession of their fathers as a mark of respect, but they had to prove themselves worthy of the position. This system avoided an entrenched aristocracy or a cast society.[95] There even are numerous recorded accounts of laymen that rose to high official posts, as a result of their merits.[96]

Nevertheless, the Persian society during the Safavids was that of a hierarchy, with the Shah at the apex of the hierarchical pyramid, the common people, merchants and peasants at the base, and the aristocrats in between. The term dowlat, which in modern Persian means "government", was then an abstract term meaning "bliss" or "felicity", and it began to be used as concrete sense of the Safavid state, reflecting the view that the people had of their ruler, as someone elevated above humanity.[97]

Also among the aristocracy, in the middle of the hierarchical pyramid, were the religious officials, who, mindful of the historic role of the religious classes as a buffer between the ruler and his subjects, usually did their best to shield the ordinary people from oppressive governments.[97]

The customs and culture of the people

Jean Chardin devoted a whole chapter in his book to describing the Persian character, which apparently fascinated him greatly. As he spent a large bulk of his life in Persia, he involved himself in, and took part in, their everyday rituals and habits, and eventually acquired intimate knowledge of their culture, customs and character. He admired their consideration towards foreigners, but he also stumbled upon characteristics that he found challenging. His descriptions of the public appearance, clothes and customs are corroborated by the miniatures, drawings and paintings from that time which have survived. As he describes them:[98]

Their imagination is animated, quick and fruitful. Their memory is free and prolific. They are very favorably drawn to the sciences, the liberal and mechanical arts. Their temperament is open and leans towards sensual pleasure and self-indulgence, which makes them pay little attention to economy or business.

He then goes on:[98]

They are very philosophical over the good and bad things in life and about expectations for the future. They are little tainted with avarice, desiring only to acquire in order to spend. They love to enjoy what is to hand and they refuse nothing which contributes to it, having no anxiety about the future which they leave to providence and fate.

But as he also experienced:[99]

...the Persians are dissembling, shamelessly deceitful and the greatest flatterers in the world, using great deception and insolence. They lack good faith in business dealings, in which they cheat so adeptly that one is always taken in. Hypocrisy is the usual disguise in which they proceed. They say their prayers and perform their rituals in the most devout manner. They hold the wisest and most pious conversation of which they are capable. And although they are naturally inclined to humanity, hospitality, mercy and other worldly goods, nevertheless, they do not cease feigning in order to give the semblance of being much better than they really are.

Character

Anthony Shirley and Robert Shirley (pictured in 1622) helped modernize the Persian Army.

It is however no question, from reading Chardin's descriptions of their manners, that he considered them to be a well educated and well behaved people, who certainly knew the strict etiquettes of social intercourse. As he describes them,[100]

Unlike Europeans, they much disliked physical activity, and were not in favor of exercise for its own sake, preferring the leisure of repose and luxuries that life could offer. Travelling was valued only for the specific purpose of getting from one place to another, not interesting them self in seeing new places and experiencing different cultures. It was perhaps this sort of attitude towards the rest of the world that accounted for the ignorance of Persians regarding other countries of the world. The exercises that they took part in were for keeping the body supple and sturdy and to acquire skills in handling of arms. Archery took first place. Second place was held by fencing, where the wrist had to be firm but flexible and movements agile. Thirdly there was horsemanship. A very strenuous form of exercise which the Persians greatly enjoyed was hunting.[101]

Entertainment

A persian miniature depicting a polo-match

Since pre-Islamic times, the sport of wrestling had been an integral part of the Iranian identity, and the professional wrestlers, who performed in Zurkhanehs, were considered important members of the society. Each town had their own troop of wrestlers, called Pahlavans. Their sport also provided the masses with entertainment and spectacle. Chardin described one such event:[102]

As well as wrestling, what gathered the masses was fencing, tightrope dancers, puppet-players and acrobats, performing in large squares, such as the Royal square. A leisurely form of amusement was to be found in the cabarets, particularly in certain districts, like those near the mausoleum of Harun-e Velayat. People met there to drink liqueurs or coffee, to smoke tobacco or opium, and to chat or listen to poetry.[103]

Clothes and Appearances

Lady's clothing in the 1600s
Men's clothing in the 1600s

As noted before, a key aspect of the Persian character was its love of luxury, particularly on keeping up appearances. They would adorn their clothes, wearing stones and decorate the harness of their horses. Men wore many rings on their fingers, almost as many as their wives. They also placed jewels on their arms, such as on daggers and swords. Daggers were worn at the waist. In describing the lady's clothing, he noted that Persian dress revealed more of the figure than did the European, but that women appeared differently depending on whether they were at home in the presence of friends and family, or if they were in the public. In private they usually wore a veil that only covered the hair and the back, but upon leaving the home, they would put on a large sheet, that concealed the whole of the body except from the face. They would often dye their feet and hands with henna. Their hairstyle was simple, the hair gathered back in tresses, often adorning the ends with pearls and clusters of jewels. Women with slender waists were regarded as more attractive than those with larger figures. Women from the provinces and slaves pierced their left nostrils with rings, but well-born Persian women would not do this.[104]

The most precious accessory for men was the turban. Although they lasted a long time it was necessary to have changes for different occasions like weddings and the Nowruz, while men of status never wore the same turban two days running. Clothes that became soiled in any way were changed immediately.[105]

Turks and Tajiks

Although the Safavid rulers and citizens were of native stock and continuously reasserted their Iranian identity, the power structure of the Safavid state was mainly divided into two groups: the Turkic-speaking military/ruling elite—whose job was to maintain the territorial integrity and continuity of the Iranian empire through their leadership—and the Persian-speaking administrative/governing elite—whose job was to oversee the operation and development of the nation and its identity through their high positions. Thus came the term "Turk and Tajik", which was used by native Iranians for many generations to describe the Persianate, or Turko-Persian, nature of many dynasties which ruled over Greater Iran between the 12th and 20th centuries, in that these dynasties promoted and helped continue the dominant Persian linguistic and cultural identity of their states, although the dynasties themselves were of non-Persian (e.g. Turkic) linguistic origins. The relationship between the Turkic-speaking 'Turks' and Persian-speaking 'Tajiks' was symbiotic, yet some form of rivalry did exist between the two. As the former represented the "people of the sword" and the latter, "the people of the pen", high-level official posts would naturally be reserved for the Persians. Indeed, this had been the situation throughout Persian history, even before the Safavids, ever since the Arab conquest.[106] Shah Tahmasp introduced a change to this, when he, and the other Safavid rulers who succeeded him, sought to blur the formerly defined lines between the two linguistic groups, by taking the sons of Turkic-speaking officers into the royal household for their education in the Persian language. Consequently, they were slowly able to take on administrative jobs in areas which had hitherto been the exclusive preserve of the ethnic Persians.[107]

The third force

From 1540 and onwards, Shah Tahmasp initiated a transformation of the society by slowly constructing a new branch within the aristocracy. The campaigns that he waged against Georgia between 1540 and 1554 were primarily meant to uphold the morale and the fighting efficiency of the qizilbash military,[108] but they brought home large numbers (over 70,000[109]) of Georgian, Circassian and Armenian slaves. The women (only Circassian and Georgian) came to occupy prominent positions in the harems of the Safavid elite, particularly the Shah's, while the men were given special training, on completion of which they were either enrolled in one of the newly created ghulam regiments, or employed in the royal household.[68] His successor Ismail II brought another 30,000 Circassians and Georgians to Iran of which many joined the ghulam force,[110] but it was under Shah Abbas who significantly enlargened this program and greatly expanded the ghulam military corps from a few hundred to 15,000 highly trained cavalrymen.,[111] as part of a whole army division of 40,000 Caucasian ghulams. He then went on to reduce the number of qizilbash provincial governorships and systematicly moved qizilbash governors to other districts, thus disrupting their ties with the local community, and reducing their power. Many were replaced by a ghulam, and within short time, Georgians, Circassians, and Armenians had been appointed to many of the highest offices of state. By 1595, Allahverdi Khan, a Georgian, became one of the most powerful men in the Safavid state, when he was appointed the Governor-General of Fars, one of the richest provinces in Persia. And his power reached its peak in 1598, when he became the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.[112] Thus, this new group eventually came to constitute a powerful "third force" within the state, alongside the Persians and the Qizilbash Turks, and it only goes to prove the meritocratic society of the Safavids.

It is estimated that during Abbas' reign some 130,000-200,000 Georgians,[113][114] tens of thousands of Circassians, and around 300,000 Armenians[115] had been deported from the Caucasus to Persia's heartland, all obtaining functions and roles such as the highest of the state, or as simple farmers and peasantry.

Emergence of a clerical aristocracy

An important feature of the Safavid society was the alliance that emerged between the ulama (the religious class) and the merchant community. The latter included merchants trading in the bazaars, the trade and artisan guilds (asnāf) and members of the quasi-religious organizations run by dervishes (futuvva). Because of the relative insecurity of property ownership in Persia, many private landowners secured their lands by donating them to the clergy as so called vaqf. They would thus retain the official ownership and secure their land from being confiscated by royal commissioners or local governors, as long as a percentage of the revenues from the land went to the ulama. Increasingly, members of the religious class, particularly the mujtahids and the seyyeds, gained full ownership of these lands, and, according to contemporary historian Iskandar Munshi, Persia started to witness the emergence of a new and significant group of landowners.[116]

Akhbaris versus Usulis

The Akhbari movement "crystalized" as a "separate movement" with the writings of Muhammad Amin al-Astarabadi (died 1627 AD). It rejected the use of reasoning in deriving verdicts and believed that only the Quran, hadith, (prophetic sayings and recorded opinions of the Imams) and consensus should be used as sources to derive verdicts (fatāwā). Unlike Usulis, Akhbari did and do not follow marjas who practice ijtihad.[117]

It achieved its greatest influence in the late Safavid and early post-Safavid era, when it dominated Twelver Shia Islam.[118] However, shortly thereafter Muhammad Baqir Behbahani (died 1792), along with other Usuli mujtahids, crushed the Akhbari movement.[119] It remains only a small minority in the Shia Muslim world. One result of the resolution of this conflict was the rise in importance of the concept of ijtihad and the position of the mujtahid (as opposed to other ulama) in the 18th and early 19th centuries. It was from this time that the division of the Shia world into mujtahid (those who could follow their own independent judgment) and muqallid (those who had to follow the rulings of a mujtahid) took place. According to author Moojan Momen, "up to the middle of the 19th century there were very few mujtahids (three or four) anywhere at any one time," but "several hundred existed by the end of the 19th century."[120]

Allamah Majlisi

Muhammad Baqir Majlisi, commonly referenced to using the title Allamah, was a highly influential scholar during the 17th century (Safavid era). Majlisi's works emphasized his desire to purge Twelver Shi`ism of the influences of mysticism and philosophy, and to propagate an ideal of strict adherence to the Islamic law (sharia).[121] Majlisi promoted specifically Shia rituals such as mourning for Hussein ibn Ali and visitation (ziyarat) of the tombs of the Imams and Imamzadas, stressing "the concept of the Imams as mediators and intercessors for man with God."[122]

State and government

The Safavid state was one of checks and balance, both within the government and on a local level. At the apex of this system was the Shah, with total power over the state, legitimized by his bloodline as a seyyed, or descendant of the Prophet Mohammad. So absolute was his power, that the French merchant, and later ambassador to Persia, Jean Chardin thought the Safavid Shahs ruled their land with an iron fist and often in a despotic manner.[123] To ensure transparency and avoid decisions being made that circumvented the Shah, a complex system of bureaucracy and departmental procedures had been put in place that prevented fraud. Every office had a deputy or superintendent, whose job was to keep records of all actions of the state officials and report directly to the Shah. The Shah himself exercised his own measures for keeping his ministers under control by fostering an atmosphere of rivalry and competitive surveillance. And since the Safavid society was meritocratic, and successions seldom were made on the basis of heritage, this meant that government offices constantly felt the pressure of being under surveillance and had to make sure they governed in the best interest of their leader, and not merely their own.

The Government

There probably did not exist any parliament, as we know them today. But the Portuguese ambassador to the Safavids, De Gouvea, still mentions the Council of State[124] in his records, which perhaps was a term for governmental gatherings of the time.

The highest level in the government was that of the Prime Minister, or Grand Vizier (Etemad-e Dowlat), who was always chosen from among doctors of law. He enjoyed tremendous power and control over national affairs as he was the immediate deputy of the Shah. No act of the Shah was valid without the counter seal of the Prime Minister. But even he stood accountable to a deputy (vak’anevis), who kept records of his decision-makings and notified the Shah. Second to the Prime Minister post were the General of the Revenues (mostoufi-ye mamalek), or finance minister,[125] and the Divanbegi, Minister of Justice. The latter was the final appeal in civil and criminal cases, and his office stood next to the main entrance to the Ali Qapu palace. In earlier times, the Shah had been closely involved in judicial proceedings, but this part of the royal duty was neglected by Shah Safi and the later kings.[126]

Next in authority were the generals: the General of the Royal Troops (the Shahsevans), General of the Musketeers, General of the Ghulams and The Master of Artillery. A separate official, the Commander-in-Chief, was appointed to be the head of these officials.[126]

The Royal Court

Frontpage on Jean Chardin's book on his journeys to Persia, published in 1739.

As for the royal household, the highest post was that of the Nazir, Court Minister. He was perhaps the closest advisor to the Shah, and, as such, functioned as his eyes and ears within the Court. His primary job was to appoint and supervise all the officials of the household and to be their contact with the Shah. But his responsibilities also included that of being the treasurer of the Shahs properties. This meant that even the Prime Minister, who held the highest office in the state, had to work in association with the Nazir when it came to managing those transactions that directly related to the Shah.[126]

The second most senior appointment was the Grand Steward (Ichik Agasi bashi), who would always accompany the Shah and was easily recognizable because of the great baton that he carried with him. He was responsible for introducing all guests, receiving petitions presented to the Shah and reading them if required. Next in line were the Master of the Royal Stables (Mirakor bashi) and the Master of the Hunt (Mirshekar bashi). The Shah had stables in all the principal towns, and Shah Abbas was said to have about 30,000 horses in studs around the country.[127] In addition to these, there were separate officials appointed for the caretaking of royal banquets and for entertainment.

Chardin specifically noticed the rank of doctors and astrologers and the respect that the Shahs had for them. The Shah had a dozen of each in his service and would usually be accompanied by three doctors and three astrologers, who were authorized to sit by his side on various occasions.[126] The Chief Physician (Hakim-bashi) was a highly considered member of the Royal court,[128] and the most revered astrologer of the court was given the title Munajjim-bashi (Chief Astrologer).[129]

During the first century of the dynasty, the primary court language remained Azeri,[125] although this increasingly changed after the capital was moved to Isfahan.[9]

Local governments

On a local level, the government was divided into public land and royal possessions. The public land was under the rule of local governors, or Khans. Since the earliest days of the Safavid dynasty, the Qizilbash generals had been appointed to most of these posts. They ruled their provinces like petty shahs and spent all their revenues on their own province, only presenting the Shah with the balance. In return, they had to keep ready a standing army at all times and provide the Shah with military assistance upon his request. It was also requested from them that they appoint a lawyer (vakil) to the Court who would inform them on matters pertaining to the provincial affairs.[130] Shah Abbas I intended to decrease the power of the Qizilbash by bringing some of these provinces into his direct control, creating so called Crown Provinces (Khassa). But it was Shah Safi, under influence by his Prime Minister, Saru Taqi, that initiated the program of trying to increase the royal revenues by buying land from the governors and putting in place local commissioners.[130] In time, this proved to become a burden to the people that were under the direct rule of the Shah, as these commissioners, unlike the former governors, had little knowledge about the local communities that they controlled and were primarily interested in increasing the income of the Shah. And, while it was in the governors’ own interest to increase the productivity and prosperity of their provinces, the commissioners received their income directly from the royal treasury and, as such, did not care so much about investing in agriculture and local industries. Thus, the majority of the people suffered from rapacity and corruption carried out in the name of the Shah.[130]

Democratic institutions in a totalitarian society

In 16th and 17th century Iran, there existed a considerable number of local democratic institutions. Examples of such were the trade and artisan guilds, which had started to appear in Persia from the 1500s. Also, there were the quazi-religious fraternities called futuvva, which were run by local dervishes. Another official selected by the consensus of the local community was the kadkhoda, who functioned as a common law administrator.[131] The local sheriff (kalantar), who was not elected by the people but directly appointed by the Shah, and whose function was to protect the people against injustices on the part of the local governors, supervised the kadkhoda.[132]

Legal system

The Karkan, a tool used for punishment of state criminals

In Safavid Persia there was little distinction between theology and jurisprudence, or between divine justice and human justice, and it all went under Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). The legal system was built up of two branches: civil law, which had its roots in sharia, received wisdom, and urf, meaning traditional experience and very similar to the Western form of common law. While the imams and judges of law applied civil law in their practice, urf was primarily exercised by the local commissioners, who inspected the villages on behalf of the Shah, and by the Minister of Justice (Divanbegi). The latter were all secular functionaries working on behalf of the Shah.[133]

The highest level in the legal system was the Minister of Justice, and the law officers were divided into senior appointments, such as the magistrate (darughah), inspector (visir), and recorder (vak’anevis). The lesser officials were the qazi, corresponding a civil lieutenant, who ranked under the local governors and functioned as judges in the provinces.

According to Chardin:[134]

There were no particular place assigned for the administration of justice. Each magistrate executes justice in his own house in a large room opening on to a courtyard or a garden which is raised two or three feet above the ground. The Judge is seated at one end of the room having a writer and a man of law by his side.

Chardin also noted that bringing cases into court in Persia was easier than in the West. The judge (qazi) was informed of relevant points involved and would decide whether or not to take up the case. Having agreed to do so, a sergeant would investigate and summon the defendant, who was then obliged to pay the fee of the sergeant. The two parties with their witnesses pleaded their respective cases, usually without any counsel, and the judge would pass his judgment after the first or second hearing.[134]

Criminal justice was entirely separate from civil law and was judged upon common law administered through the Minister of Justice, local governors and the Court minister (the Nazir). Despite being based on urf, it relied upon certain sets of legal principles. Murder was punishable by death, and the penalty for bodily injuries was invariably the bastinado. Robbers had their right wrists amputated the first time, and sentenced to death on any subsequent occasion. State criminals were subjected to the karkan, a triangular wooden collar placed around the neck. On extraordinary occasions when the Shah took justice into his own hand, he would dress himself up in red for the importance of the event, according to ancient tradition.[133]

Economy

What fueled the growth of Safavid economy was Iran's position between the burgeoning civilizations of Europe to its west and India and Islamic Central Asia to its east and north. The Silk Road which led through northern Iran to India revived in the 16th century. Abbas I also supported direct trade with Europe, particularly England and The Netherlands which sought Persian carpet, silk and textiles. Other exports were horses, goat hair, pearls and an inedible bitter almond hadam-talka used as a spice in India. The main imports were spice, textiles (woolens from Europe, cottons from Gujarat), metals, coffee, and sugar.

A 19th-century drawing of Isfahan

Agriculture

According to the historian Roger Savory, the twin bases of the domestic economy were pastoralism and agriculture. And, just as the higher levels of the social hierarchy was divided between the Turkish "men of the sword" and the Persian "men of the pen"; so were the lower level divided between the Turcoman tribes, who were cattle breeders and lived apart from the surrounding population, and the Persians, who were peasants and settled agriculturalists.[135]

The Safavid economy was to a large extent based on agriculture and taxation of agricultural products. According to the French jeweller Jean Chardin, the variety in agricultural products in Persia was unrivaled in Europe and consisted of fruits and vegetables never even heard of in Europe. Chardin was present at some feasts in Isfahan were there were more than fifty different kinds of fruit. He thought that there was nothing like it in France or Italy:[136]

Despite this, he was disappointed when travelling the country and witnessing the abundance of land that was not irrigated, or the fertile plains that were not cultivated, something he thought was in stark contrast to Europe. He blamed this on misgovernment, the sparse population of the country, and lack of appreciation of agriculture amongst the Persians.[137]

In the period prior to Shah Abbas I, most of the land was assigned to officials (civil, military and religious). From the time of Shah Abbas onwards, more land was brought under the direct control of the shah. And since agriculture accounted to the by far largest share of tax revenue, he took measures to expand it. What remained unchanged, was the "crop-sharing agreement" between whom ever was the landlord, and the peasant. This agreement concisted of five elements: land, water, plough-animals, seed and labour. Each element constituted 20 per cent of the crop production, and if, for instance, the peasant provided the labour force and the animals, he would be entitled to 40 per cent of the earnings.[138][139] According to contemporary historians, though, the landlord always had the worst of the bargain with the peasant in the crop-sharing agreements. In general, the peasants lived in comfort, and they were well paid and wore good clothes, although it was also notet that they were subject to forced labour and lived under heavy demands.[140]

Travel and Caravanserais

The Mothers Inn caravanserai in Isfahan, that was built during the reign of Shah Abass II, was a luxury resort meant for the wealthiest merchants and selected guests of the shah. Today it is a luxury hotel and goes under the name of Hotel Abassi.

Horses were the most important of all the domestic animals, and the best were brought in from Arabia and Central-Asia. They were costly because of the widespread trade in them, including to Turkey and India. The next most important mount, when traveling through Persia, was the mule. Also, the camel was a good investment for the merchant, as they cost nearly nothing to feed, carried a lot weight and could travel almost anywhere.[141]

Under the governance of the strong shahs, especially during the first half of the 17th century, traveling through Persia was easy because of good roads and the caravanserais, that were strategically placed along the route. Thévenot and Tavernier commented that the Persian caravanserais were better built and cleaner than their Turkish counterparts.[142] According to Chardin, they were also more abundant than in the Mughal or Ottoman Empires, where they were less frequent but larger.[143] Caravanserais were designed especially to benefit poorer travelers, as they could stay there for as long as they wished, without payment for lodging. During the reign of Shah Abbas I, as he tried to upgrade the Silk route to improve the commercial prosperity of the Empire, an abundance of caravanserais, bridges, bazaars and roads were built, and this strategy was followed by wealthy merchants who also profited from the increase in trade. To uphold the standard, another source of revenue was needed, and road toll, that were collected by guards (rah-dars), were stationed along the trading routes. They in turn provided for the safety of the travelers, and both Thevenot and Tavernier stressed the safety of traveling in 17th century Persia, and the courtesy and refinement of the policing guards.[144] The Italian traveler Pietro Della Valle was impressed by an encounter with one of these road guards:[145]

Foreign trade and the Silk Route

The Chehel Sotoun Palace in Isfahan was where the Shah would meet foreign dignitaries and embassies. It is famous for the frescoes that cover its walls.

The Portuguese Empire and the discovery of the trading route around the Cape of Good Hope in 1487 not only hit a death blow to Venice as a trading nation, but it also hurt the trade that was going on along the Silk Route and especially the Persian Gulf. They correctly identified the three key points to control all seaborne trade between Asia and Europe: The Gulf of Aden, The Persian Gulf and the Straits of Malacca by cutting off and controlling these strategic locations with high taxation.[146] In 1602, Shah Abbas I drove the Portuguese out of Bahrain, but he needed naval assistance from the newly arrived British East India Company to finally expel them from the Strait of Hormuz and regain control of this trading route.[147] He convinced the British to assist him by allowing them to open factories in Shiraz, Isfahan and Jask.[148][149] With the later end of the Portuguese Empire, the British, Dutch and French in particular gained easier access to Persian seaborne trade, although they, unlike the Portuguese, did not arrive as colonisers, but as merchant adventurers. The terms of trade were not imposed on the Safavid shahs, but rather negotiated.

The Silk Routes

In the long term, however, the seaborne trade route was of less significance to the Persians than was the traditional Silk Route. Lack of investment in ship building and the navy provided the Europeans with the opportunity to monopolize this trading route. The land-borne trade would thus continue to provide the bulk of revenues to the Persian state. Much of the cash revenue came not so much from what could be sold abroad, as from the custom charges and transit dues levied on goods passing through the country.[150] Shah Abbas was determined to greatly expand this trade, but faced the problem of having to deal with the Ottomans, who controlled the two most vital routes: the route across Arabia to the Mediterranean ports, and the route through Anatolia and Istanbul. A third route was therefore devised which circumvented Ottoman territory. By travelling across the Caspian sea to the north, they would reach Russia. And with the assistance of the Muscovy Company they could cross over to Moscow, reaching Europe via Poland. This trading route proved to be of vital importance, especially during times of war with the Ottomans.[151]

By the end of the 17th century, the Dutch had become dominant in the trade that went via the Persian Gulf, having won most trade agreements, and managed to strike deals before the British or French were able to. They particularly established monopoly of the spice trade between the East Indies and Iran.[152]

The Armenian merchants and the trade of silk

The Vank Cathedral. The Armenians moved into the Jolfa district of Isfahan and were free to build their prayer houses, eventually becoming an integral part of the society.

The one valuable item, sought for in Europe, which Iran possessed and which could bring in silver in sufficient quantities was silk, which was produced in the northern provinces, along the Caspian coastline. The trade of this product was done by Turks and Persians to begin with, but during the 17th century the Christian Armenians became increasingly vital in the trade of this merchandise, as middlemen.[153]

Whereas domestic trade was largely in the hands of Persian and Jewish merchants, by late 17th century, almost all foreign trade was controlled by the Armenians.[154] They were even hired by wealthy Persian merchants to travel to Europe when they wanted to create commercial bases there, and the Armenians eventually established themselves in cities like Bursa, Aleppo, Venice, Livorno, Marseilles and Amsterdam.[153] Realizing this, Shah Abbas resettled large numbers of Armenians from the Caucasus to his capital city and provided them with loans.[153] And as the shah realized the importance of doing trade with the Europeans, he assured that the Safavid society was one with religious tolerance. The Christian Armenians thus became a commercial elite in the Safavid society and managed to survive in the tough atmosphere of business being fought over by the British, Dutch, French, Indians and Persians, by always having large capital readily available and by managing to strike harder bargains ensuring cheaper prices than what, for instance, their British rivals ever were able to.[155]

Culture

See also: Safavid art
Naqshe Jahan square in Isfahan is the epitome of 16th-century Iranian architecture. .

Culture within the Safavid family

The Safavid family was a literate family from its early origin. There are extant Tati and Persian poetry from Shaykh Safi ad-din Ardabili as well as extant Persian poetry from Shaykh Sadr ad-din. Most of the extant poetry of Shah Ismail I is in Azerbaijani pen-name of Khatai.[53] Sam Mirza, the son of Shah Esmail as well as some later authors assert that Ismail composed poems both in Turkish and Persian but only a few specimens of his Persian verse have survived.[52] A collection of his poems in Azeri were published as a Divan. Shah Tahmasp who has composed poetry in Persian was also a painter, while Shah Abbas II was known as a poet, writing Azerbaijani verses.[156] Sam Mirza, the son of Ismail I was himself a poet and composed his poetry in Persian. He also compiled an anthology of contemporary poetry.[157]

Culture within the empire

Shah Abbas I recognized the commercial benefit of promoting the arts—artisan products provided much of Iran's foreign trade. In this period, handicrafts such as tile making, pottery and textiles developed and great advances were made in miniature painting, bookbinding, decoration and calligraphy. In the 16th century, carpet weaving evolved from a nomadic and peasant craft to a well-executed industry with specialization of design and manufacturing. Tabriz was the center of this industry. The carpets of Ardabil were commissioned to commemorate the Safavid dynasty. The elegantly baroque yet famously 'Polonaise' carpets were made in Iran during the 17th century.

19th-century painting of the Chahar Bagh School in Isfahan

Using traditional forms and materials, Reza Abbasi (1565–1635) introduced new subjects to Persian painting—semi-nude women, youth, lovers. His painting and calligraphic style influenced Iranian artists for much of the Safavid period, which came to be known as the Isfahan school. Increased contact with distant cultures in the 17th century, especially Europe, provided a boost of inspiration to Iranian artists who adopted modeling, foreshortening, spatial recession, and the medium of oil painting (Shah Abbas II sent Muhammad Zaman to study in Rome). The epic Shahnameh ("Book of Kings"), a stellar example of manuscript illumination and calligraphy, was made during Shah Tahmasp's reign. (This book was written by Ferdousi in 1000 AD for Sultan Mahmood Ghaznawi) Another manuscript is the Khamsa by Nizami executed 1539-43 by Aqa Mirak and his school in Isfahan.

Isfahan bears the most prominent samples of the Safavid architecture, all constructed in the years after Shah Abbas I permanently moved the capital there in 1598: the Imperial Mosque, Masjid-e Shah, completed in 1630, the Imam Mosque (Masjid-e Imami) the Lutfallah Mosque and the Royal Palace.

The battle between Shah Ismail and Muhammad Shaybani, the khan of the Uzbeks.

According to William Cleveland and Martin Bunton,[158] the establishment of Isfahan as the Great capital of Persia and the material splendor of the city attracted intellecutal's from all corners of the world, which contributed to the cities rich cultural life. The impressive achievements of its 400,000 residents prompted the inhabitants to coin their famous boast, "Isfahan is half the world".

Poetry stagnated under the Safavids; the great medieval ghazal form languished in over-the-top lyricism. Poetry lacked the royal patronage of other arts and was hemmed in by religious prescriptions.

The arguably most renowned historian from this time was Iskandar Beg Munshi. His History of Shah Abbas the Great written a few years after its subject's death, achieved a nuanced depth of history and character.

The Isfahan School—Islamic philosophy revived

Islamic philosophy[159] flourished in the Safavid era in what scholars commonly refer to the School of Isfahan. Mir Damad is considered the founder of this school. Among luminaries of this school of philosophy, the names of Iranian philosophers such as Mir Damad, Mir Fendereski, Shaykh Bahai and Mohsen Fayz Kashani standout. The school reached its apogee with that of the Iranian philosopher Mulla Sadra who is arguably the most significant Islamic philosopher after Avicenna. Mulla Sadra has become the dominant philosopher of the Islamic East, and his approach to the nature of philosophy has been exceptionally influential up to this day.[160] He wrote the Al-Hikma al-muta‘aliya fi-l-asfar al-‘aqliyya al-arba‘a ("The Transcendent Philosophy of the Four Journeys of the Intellect"),[161] a meditation on what he called 'meta philosophy' which brought to a synthesis the philosophical mysticism of Sufism, the theology of Shi'a Islam, and the Peripatetic and Illuminationist philosophies of Avicenna and Suhrawardi.

According to the Iranologist Richard Nelson Frye:[162]

They were the continuers of the classical tradition of Islamic thought, which after Averroes died in the Arab west. The Persians schools of thought were the true heirs of the great Islamic thinkers of the golden age of Islam, whereas in the Ottoman empire there was an intellectual stagnation, as far as the traditions of Islamic philosophy were concerned.

Medicine

A Latin copy of The Canon of Medicine, dated 1484, located at the P.I. Nixon Medical Historical Library of The University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio, USA.

The status of physicians during the Safavids stood as high as ever. Whereas neither the ancient Greeks nor the Romans accorded high social status to their doctors, Iranians had from ancient times honored their physicians, who were often appointed counselors of the Shahs. This would not change with the Arab conquest of Iran, and it was primarily the Persians that took upon them the works of philosophy, logic, medicine, mathematics, astronomy, astrology, music and alchemy.[163]

By the sixteenth century, Islamic science, which to a large extent meant Persian science, was resting on its laurels. The works of al-Razi (865-92) (known to the West as Razes) were still used in European universities as standard textbooks of alchemy, pharmacology and pediatrics. The Canon of Medicine by Avicenna (c. 980–1037) was still regarded as one of the primary textbooks in medicine throughout most of the civilized world.[164] As such, the status of medicine in the Safavid period did not change much, and relied as much on these works as ever before. Physiology was still based on the four humours of ancient and mediaeval medicine, and bleeding and purging were still the principal forms of therapy by surgeons, something even Thevenot experienced during his visit to Persia.[128]

The only field within medicine where some progress were made was pharmacology, with the compilement of the "Tibb-e Shifa’i" in 1556. This book was translated into French in 1681 by Angulus de Saint, under the name "Pharmacopoea Persica".[165]

Isfahan is Half the World

The architectural legacy of the Safavids

Painting by the French architect, Pascal Coste, visiting Persia in 1841 (from Monuments modernes de la Perse). In the Safavid era the Persian architecture flourished again and saw many new monuments, such as the Masjid-e Shah, part of Naghsh-i Jahan Square which is the biggest historic plaza in the world.
Safavid Star from ceiling of Shah Mosque, Isfahan, Iran.

A new age in Iranian architecture began with the rise of the Safavid dynasty. Economically robust and politically stable, this period saw a flourishing growth of theological sciences. Traditional architecture evolved in its patterns and methods leaving its impact on the architecture of the following periods.

Indeed, one of the greatest legacies of the Safavids is the architecture. In 1598, when Shah Abbas decided to move the capital of his Persian empire from the north-western city of Qazvin to the central city of Isfahan, he initiated what would become one of the greatest programmes in Persian history; the complete remaking of the city. By choosing the central city of Isfahan, fertilized by the Zāyande roud ("The life-giving river"), lying as an oasis of intense cultivation in the midst of a vast area of arid landscape, he both distanced his capital from any future assaults by the Ottomans and the Uzbeks, and at the same time gained more control over the Persian Gulf, which had recently become an important trading route for the Dutch and British East India Companies.[166]

The 16th-century Chehel Sotun pavilion in Qazvin, Iran. It is the last remains of the palace of the second Safavid king, Shah Tahmasp; it was heavily restored by the Qajars in the 19th century.

The Chief architect of this colossal task of urban planning was Shaykh Bahai (Baha' ad-Din al-`Amili), who focused the programme on two key features of Shah Abbas's master plan: the Chahar Bagh avenue, flanked at either side by all the prominent institutions of the city, such as the residences of all foreign dignitaries. And the Naqsh-e Jahan Square ("Examplar of the World").[167] Prior to the Shah's ascent to power, Persia had a decentralized power-structure, in which different institutions battled for power, including both the military (the Qizilbash) and governors of the different provinces making up the empire. Shah Abbas wanted to undermine this political structure, and the recreation of Isfahan, as a Grand capital of Persia, was an important step in centralizing the power.[168] The ingenuity of the square, or Maidān, was that, by building it, Shah Abbas would gather the three main components of power in Persia in his own backyard; the power of the clergy, represented by the Masjed-e Shah, the power of the merchants, represented by the Imperial Bazaar, and of course, the power of the Shah himself, residing in the Ali Qapu Palace.

Distinctive monuments like the Sheikh Lotfallah (1618), Hasht Behesht (Eight Paradise Palace) (1469) and the Chahar Bagh School(1714) appeared in Isfahan and other cities. This extensive development of architecture was rooted in Persian culture and took form in the design of schools, baths, houses, caravanserai and other urban spaces such as bazaars and squares. It continued until the end of the Qajar reign.[169]

The languages of the court, military, administration and culture

The Safavids by the time of their rise were Azerbaijani-speaking although they also used Persian as a second language. The language chiefly used by the Safavid court and military establishment was Azerbaijani.[11][14] But the official[5] language of the empire as well as the administrative language, language of correspondence, literature and historiography was Persian.[11] The inscriptions on Safavid currency were also in Persian.[170]

Scene from Attar's The Conference of the Birds, by Habibulla Meshedi (1600).

Safavids also used Persian as a cultural and administrative language throughout the empire and were bilingual in Persian.[53] According to Arnold J. Toynbee,[171]

In the heyday of the Mughal, Safawi, and Ottoman regimes New Persian was being patronized as the language of litterae humaniores by the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm, while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its realm that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers

According to John R. Perry,[172]

In the 16th century, the Turcophone Safavid family of Ardabil in Azerbaijan, probably of Turkicized Iranian, origin, conquered Iran and established Turkic, the language of the court and the military, as a high-status vernacular and a widespread contact language, influencing spoken Persian, while written Persian, the language of high literature and civil administration, remained virtually unaffected in status and content.

According to Zabiollah Safa,[14]

In day-to-day affairs, the language chiefly used at the Safavid court and by the great military and political officers, as well as the religious dignitaries, was Turkish, not Persian; and the last class of persons wrote their religious works mainly in Arabic. Those who wrote in Persian were either lacking in proper tuition in this tongue, or wrote outside Iran and hence at a distance from centers where Persian was the accepted vernacular, endued with that vitality and susceptibility to skill in its use which a language can have only in places where it truly belongs.

Prince Muhammad-Beik of Georgia by Reza Abbasi (1620)

According to É. Á. Csató et al.,[38]

A specific Turkic language was attested in Safavid Persia during the 16th and 17th centuries, a language that Europeans often called Persian Turkish ("Turc Agemi", "lingua turcica agemica"), which was a favourite language at the court and in the army because of the Turkic origins of the Safavid dynasty. The original name was just turki, and so a convenient name might be Turki-yi Acemi. This variety of Persian Turkish must have been also spoken in the Caucasian and Transcaucasian regions, which during the 16th century belonged to both the Ottomans and the Safavids, and were not fully integrated into the Safavid empire until 1606. Though that language might generally be identified as Middle Azerbaijanian, it's not yet possible to define exactly the limits of this language, both in linguistic and territorial respects. It was certainly not homogenous—maybe it was an Azerbaijanian-Ottoman mixed language, as Beltadze (1967:161) states for a translation of the gospels in Georgian script from the 18th century.

According to Rula Jurdi Abisaab,[173]

Although the Arabic language was still the medium for religious scholastic expression, it was precisely under the Safavids that hadith complications and doctrinal works of all sorts were being translated to Persian. The 'Amili (Lebanese scholars of Shi'i faith) operating through the Court-based religious posts, were forced to master the Persian language; their students translated their instructions into Persian. Persianization went hand in hand with the popularization of 'mainstream' Shi'i belief.

According to Cornelis Versteegh,[174]

The Safavid dynasty under Shah Ismail (961/1501) adopted Persian and the Shi'ite form of Islam as the national language and religion.

Legacy

It was the Safavids who made Iran the spiritual bastion of Shi’ism against the onslaughts of Sunni Islam, and the repository of Persian cultural traditions and self-awareness of Iranianhood, acting as a bridge to modern Iran. The founder of the dynasty, Shah Isma'il, adopted the title of "Persian Emperor" Pādišah-ī Īrān, with its implicit notion of an Iranian state stretching from Khorasan as far as Euphrates, and from the Oxus to the southern Territories of the Persian Gulf.[175] According to Professor Roger Savory:[176][177]

In a number of ways the Safavids affected the development of the modern Iranian state: first, they ensured the continuance of various ancient and traditional Persian institutions, and transmitted these in a strengthened, or more 'national', form; second, by imposing Ithna 'Ashari Shi'a Islam on Iran as the official religion of the Safavid state, they enhanced the power of mujtahids. The Safavids thus set in train a struggle for power between the turban and the crown that is to say, between the proponents of secular government and the proponents of a theocratic government; third, they laid the foundation of alliance between the religious classes ('Ulama') and the bazaar which played an important role both in the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1906, and again in the Islamic Revolution of 1979; fourth the policies introduced by Shah Abbas I conduced to a more centralized administrative system.

Safavid Shahs of Iran

Safavid dynasty timeline

See also


References and notes

  1. ^ Safavid dynasty. Britannica. 
  2. ^ Safavid Persia. Books. Google. 
  3. ^ ...the Order of the Lion and the Sun, a device which, since the 17 century at least, appeared on the national flag of the Safavids the lion representing 'Ali and the sun the glory of the Shi'i faith, Mikhail Borisovich Piotrovskiĭ, J. M. Rogers, Hermitage Rooms at Somerset House, Courtauld Institute of Art, Heaven on earth: Art from Islamic Lands : Works from the State Hermitage Museum and the Khalili Collection, Prestel, 2004, p. 178.
  4. ^ Ingvild Flaskerud (26 November 2010). Visualizing Belief and Piety in Iranian Shiism. Continuum International Publishing Group. pp. 182–183. ISBN 978-1-4411-4907-7. Retrieved 24 July 2011. 
  5. ^ a b Roemer, H. R. (1986). "The Safavid Period". The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 189–350. ISBN 0-521-20094-6, p. 331: "Depressing though the condition in the country may have been at the time of the fall of Safavids, they cannot be allowed to overshadow the achievements of the dynasty, which was in many respects to prove essential factors in the development of Persia in modern times. These include the maintenance of Persian as the official language and of the present-day boundaries of the country, adherence to the Twelever Shi'i, the monarchical system, the planning and architectural features of the urban centers, the centralised administration of the state, the alliance of the Shi'i Ulama with the merchant bazaars, and the symbiosis of the Persian-speaking population with important non-Persian, especially Turkish speaking minorities".
  6. ^ a b c Rudi Matthee, "Safavids" in Encyclopædia Iranica, accessed on April 4, 2010. "The Persian focus is also reflected in the fact that theological works also began to be composed in the Persian language and in that Persian verses replaced Arabic on the coins." "The political system that emerged under them had overlapping political and religious boundaries and a core language, Persian, which served as the literary tongue, and even began to replace Arabic as the vehicle for theological discourse".
  7. ^ Ronald W Ferrier, The Arts of Persia. Yale University Press. 1989, p. 9.
  8. ^ a b John R Perry, "Turkic-Iranian contacts", Encyclopædia Iranica, January 24, 2006: "...written Persian, the language of high literature and civil administration, remained virtually unaffected in status and content"
  9. ^ a b c Cyril Glassé (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Islam, Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, revised ed., 2003, ISBN 0-7591-0190-6, p. 392: "Shah Abbas moved his capital from Qazvin to Isfahan. His reigned marked the peak of Safavid dynasty's achievement in art, diplomacy, and commerce. It was probably around this time that the court, which originally spoke a Turkic language, began to use Persian"
  10. ^ Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, V, pp. 514-15. excerpt: "in the heyday of the Mughal, Safawi, and Ottoman regimes New Persian was being patronized as the language of literae humaniores by the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm, while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its realm that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers"
  11. ^ a b c d Mazzaoui, Michel B; Canfield, Robert (2002). "Islamic Culture and Literature in Iran and Central Asia in the early modern period". Turko-Persia in Historical Perspective. Cambridge University Press. pp. 86–7. ISBN 978-0-521-52291-5. "Safavid power with its distinctive Persian-Shi'i culture, however, remained a middle ground between its two mighty Turkish neighbors. The Safavid state, which lasted at least until 1722, was essentially a "Turkish" dynasty, with Azeri Turkish (Azerbaijan being the family's home base) as the language of the rulers and the court as well as the Qizilbash military establishment. Shah Ismail wrote poetry in Turkish. The administration nevertheless was Persian, and the Persian language was the vehicle of diplomatic correspondence (insha'), of belles-lettres (adab), and of history (tarikh)." 
  12. ^ Ruda Jurdi Abisaab. "Iran and Pre-Independence Lebanon" in Houchang Esfandiar Chehabi, Distant Relations: Iran and Lebanon in the Last 500 Years, IB Tauris 2006, p. 76: "Although the Arabic language was still the medium for religious scholastic expression, it was precisely under the Safavids that hadith complications and doctrinal works of all sorts were being translated to Persian. The 'Amili (Lebanese scholars of Shi'i faith) operating through the Court-based religious posts, were forced to master the Persian language; their students translated their instructions into Persian. Persianization went hand in hand with the popularization of 'mainstream' Shi'i belief."
  13. ^ a b Savory, Roger (2007). Iran Under the Safavids. Cambridge University Press. p. 213. ISBN 978-0-521-04251-2. "qizilbash normally spoke Azari brand of Turkish at court, as did the Safavid shahs themselves; lack of familiarity with the Persian language may have contributed to the decline from the pure classical standards of former times" 
  14. ^ a b c Zabiollah Safa (1986), "Persian Literature in the Safavid Period", The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-20094-6, pp. 948–65. P. 950: "In day-to-day affairs, the language chiefly used at the Safavid court and by the great military and political officers, as well as the religious dignitaries, was Turkish, not Persian; and the last class of persons wrote their religious works mainly in Arabic. Those who wrote in Persian were either lacking in proper tuition in this tongue, or wrote outside Iran and hence at a distance from centers where Persian was the accepted vernacular, endued with that vitality and susceptibility to skill in its use which a language can have only in places where it truly belongs."
  15. ^ Price, Massoume (2005). Iran's Diverse Peoples: A Reference Sourcebook. ABC-CLIO. p. 66. ISBN 978-1-57607-993-5. "The Shah was a native Turkic speaker and wrote poetry in the Azerbaijani language." 
  16. ^ Ferrier, RW, A Journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's Portrait of a Seventeenth-century Empire, p. ix.
  17. ^ The New Encyclopedia of Islam, Ed. Cyril Glassé, (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2008), 449.
  18. ^ "SAFAVID DYNASTY". Encyclopædia Iranica. 
  19. ^ Helen Chapin Metz. Iran, a Country study. 1989. University of Michigan, p. 313.
  20. ^ Emory C. Bogle. Islam: Origin and Belief. University of Texas Press. 1989, p. 145.
  21. ^ Stanford Jay Shaw. History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge University Press. 1977, p. 77.
  22. ^ Andrew J. Newman, Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire, IB Tauris (March 30, 2006).
  23. ^ a b c d e f g h i j RM Savory, Safavids, Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed.
  24. ^ a b c "Peoples of Iran" Encyclopædia Iranica. RN Frye.
  25. ^ a b RM Savory. Ebn Bazzaz. Encyclopædia Iranica
  26. ^ a b Roger M. Savory. "Safavids" in Peter Burke, Irfan Habib, Halil İnalcık: History of Humanity-Scientific and Cultural Development: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, Taylor & Francis. 1999, p. 259.
  27. ^ Peter B. Golden: An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples; In: Osman Karatay, Ankara 2002, p.321
  28. ^ Aptin Khanbaghi (2006) The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early. London & New York. IB Tauris. ISBN 1-84511-056-0, pp. 130-1
  29. ^ [1] Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire, L.B. Tauris. 2006, p. 41.
  30. ^ Rudolph (Rudi) Matthee Encyclopaedia Iranica, Columbia University, New York 2001, p.493
  31. ^ a b Anthony Bryer. "Greeks and Türkmens: The Pontic Exception", Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 29 (1975), Appendix II "Genealogy of the Muslim Marriages of the Princesses of Trebizond"
  32. ^ Why is there such confusion about the origins of this important dynasty, which reasserted Iranian identity and established an independent Iranian state after eight and a half centuries of rule by foreign dynasties? RM Savory, Iran under the Safavids (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1980), p. 3.
  33. ^ Alireza Shapur Shahbazi (2005), "The History of the Idea of Iran", in Vesta Curtis ed., Birth of the Persian Empire, IB Tauris, London, p. 108: "Similarly the collapse of Sassanian Eranshahr in AD 650 did not end Iranians' national idea. The name "Iran" disappeared from official records of the Saffarids, Samanids, Buyids, Saljuqs and their successor. But one unofficially used the name Iran, Eranshahr, and similar national designations, particularly Mamalek-e Iran or "Iranian lands", which exactly translated the old Avestan term Ariyanam Daihunam. On the other hand, when the Safavids (not Reza Shah, as is popularly assumed) revived a national state officially known as Iran, bureaucratic usage in the Ottoman empire and even Iran itself could still refer to it by other descriptive and traditional appellations".
  34. ^ In the pre-Safavid written work Safvat as-Safa (oldest manuscripts from 1485 and 1491), the origin of the Safavids is tracted to Piruz Shah Zarin Kolah who is called a Kurd from Sanjan, while in the post-Safavid manuscripts, this portion has been excised and Piruz Shah Zarin Kollah is made a descendant of the Imams. R Savory, "Ebn Bazzaz" in Encyclopædia Iranica). In the Silsilat an-nasab-i Safawiya (composed during the reign of Shah Suleiman, 1667–94), by Hussayn ibn Abdal Zahedi, the ancestry of the Safavid was purported to be tracing back to Hijaz and the first Shi'i Imam as follows: Shaykh Safi al-din Abul Fatah Eshaq ibn (son of) Shaykh Amin al-Din Jabrail ibn Qutb al-din ibn Salih ibn Muhammad al-Hafez ibn Awad ibn Firuz Shah Zarin Kulah ibn Majd ibn Sharafshah ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn Seyyed Ja'afar ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Isma'il ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Ahmad 'Arabi ibn Seyyed Qasim ibn Seyyed Abul Qasim Hamzah ibn Musa al-Kazim ibn Ja'far As-Sadiq ibn Muhammad al-Baqir ibn Imam Zayn ul-'Abedin ibn Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Taleb Alayha as-Salam. There are differences between this and the oldest manuscript of Safwat as-Safa. Seyyeds have been added from Piruz Shah Zarin Kulah up to the first Shi'i Imam and the nisba "Al-Kurdi" has been excised. The title/name "Abu Bakr" (also the name of the first Caliph and highly regarded by Sunnis) is deleted from Qutb ad-Din's name. ُSource: Husayn ibn Abdāl Zāhedī, 17th cent. Silsilat al-nasab-i Safavīyah, nasabnāmah-'i pādishāhān bā ʻuzmat-i Safavī, ta'līf-i Shaykh Husayn pisar-i Shaykh Abdāl Pīrzādah Zāhedī dar 'ahd-i Shāh-i Sulaymnān-i Safavī. Berlīn, Chāpkhānah-'i Īrānshahr, 1343 (1924), 116 pp. Original Persian: شیخ صفی الدین ابو الفتح اسحق ابن شیخ امین الدین جبرائیل بن قطب الدین ابن صالح ابن محمد الحافظ ابن عوض ابن فیروزشاه زرین کلاه ابن محمد ابن شرفشاه ابن محمد ابن حسن ابن سید محمد ابن ابراهیم ابن سید جعفر بن سید محمد ابن سید اسمعیل بن سید محمد بن سید احمد اعرابی بن سید قاسم بن سید ابو القاسم حمزه بن موسی الکاظم ابن جعفر الصادق ابن محمد الباقر ابن امام زین العابدین بن حسین ابن علی ابن ابی طالب علیه السلام.
  35. ^ R.M. Savory, "Safavid Persia" in: Ann Katherine Swynford Lambton, Peter Malcolm Holt, Bernard Lewis, The Cambridge History of Islam, Cambridge University Press, 1977. p. 394: "They (Safavids after the establishment of the Safavid state) fabricated evidence to prove that the Safavids were Sayyids."
  36. ^ F. Daftary, "Intellectual Traditions in Islam", I.B.Tauris, 2001. p. 147: "But the origins of the family of Shaykh Safi al-Din go back not to Hijaz but to Kurdistan, from where, seven generations before him, Firuz Shah Zarin-kulah had migrated to Adharbayjan"
  37. ^ Tamara Sonn. A Brief History of Islam, Blackwell Publishing, 2004, p. 83, ISBN 1-4051-0900-9
  38. ^ a b É. Á. Csató, B. Isaksson, C Jahani. Linguistic Convergence and Areal Diffusion: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic, Routledge, 2004, p. 228, ISBN 0-415-30804-6.
  39. ^ Minorsky, V (2009). "Adgharbaydjan (Azarbaydjan)". In Berman, P; Bianquis, Th; Bosworth, CE; van Donzel, E; Henrichs, WP. Encyclopedia of Islam (2nd ed.). NL: Brill. "After 907/1502, Adharbayjan became the chielf bulwark and rallying ground of the Safawids, themselves natives of Ardabil and originally speaking the local Iranian dialect" 
  40. ^ E. Yarshater, "Iran", . Encyclopædia Iranica. "The origins of the Safavids are clouded in obscurity. They may have been of Kurdish origin (see R. Savory, Iran Under the Safavids, 1980, p. 2; R. Matthee, "Safavid Dynasty" at iranica.com), but for all practical purposes they were Turkish-speaking and Turkified. "
  41. ^ John L. Esposito, The Oxford History of Islam, Oxford University Press US, 1999. pp 364: "To support their legitimacy, the Safavid dynasty of Iran (1501-1732) devoted a cultural policy to estbalish their regime as the reconstruction of the historic Iranian monarchy. To the end, they commisioned [sic?] elaborate copies of the Shahnameh, the Iranian national epic, such as this one made for Tahmasp in the 1520s."
  42. ^ Ira Marvin Lapidus, A history of Islamic Societies, Cambridge University Press, 2002, 2nd edition. pg 445: To bolster the prestige of the state, the Safavid dynasty sponsored an Iran-Islamic style of culture concentrating on court poetry, painting, and monumental architecture that symbolized not only the Islamic credentials of the state but also the glory of the ancient Persian traditions."
  43. ^ Colin P. Mitchell, "ṬAHMĀSP I" in Encyclopædia Iranica. "Shah Ṭahmāsp's own brother, Sām Mirzā, wrote the Taḏkera-yetoḥfa-ye sāmi, in which he mentioned 700 poets during the reigns of the first two Safavid rulers. Sām Mirzā himself was an ardent poet, writing 8,000 verses and a Šāh-nāma dedicated to his brother, Ṭahmāsp (see Sām Mirzā, ed. Homāyun-Farroḵ, 1969)."
  44. ^ See: Willem Floor, Hasan Javadi(2009), The Heavenly Rose-Garden: A History of Shirvan & Daghestan by Abbas Qoli Aqa Bakikhanov, Mage Publishers, 2009. (see Sections on Safavids quoting poems of Shah Tahmasp I)
  45. ^ Kathryn Babayan, Mystics, Monarchs and Messiahs: Cultural Landscapes of Early Modern Iran, Cambridge, Massachusetts ; London : Harvard University Press, 2002. p. 143: "It is true that during their revolutionary phase (1447-1501), Safavi guides had played on their descent from the family of the Prophet. The hagiography of the founder of the Safavi order, Shaykh Safi al-Din Safvat al-Safa written by Ibn Bazzaz in 1350-was tampered with during this very phase. An initial stage of revisions saw the transformation of Safavi identity as Sunni Kurds into Arab blood descendants of Muhammad."
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  47. ^ Ehsan Yarshater, Encyclopædia Iranica, Book 1, p. 240.
  48. ^ Peter Charanis. "Review of Emile Janssens' Trébizonde en Colchide", Speculum, Vol. 45, No. 3 (July 1970), p. 476.
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  54. ^ Richard Tapper. "Shahsevan in Safavid Persia", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 37, No. 3, 1974, p. 324.
  55. ^ Lawrence Davidson, Arthur Goldschmid, A Concise History of the Middle East, Westview Press, 2006, p. 153.
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  57. ^ George Lenczowski, "Iran under the Pahlavis", Hoover Institution Press, 1978, p. 79: "Ismail Safavi, descendant of the pious Shaykh Ishaq Safi al-Din (d. 1334), seized Tabriz assuming the title of Shahanshah-e-Iran".
  58. ^ Stefan Sperl, C. Shackle, Nicholas Awde, "Qasida poetry in Islamic Asia and Africa", Brill Academic Pub; Set Only edition (February 1996), p. 193: "Like Shah Ni'mat Allah-i Vali he hosted distinguished visitors among them Ismail Safavi, who had proclaimed himself Shahanshah of Iran in 1501 after having taken Tabriz, the symbolic and political capital of Iran".
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Further reading

  • M.I. Marcinkowski (tr.),Persian Historiography and Geography: Bertold Spuler on Major Works Produced in Iran, the Caucasus, Central Asia, India and Early Ottoman Turkey, M. Ismail Marcinkowski, Singapore: Pustaka Nasional, 2003, ISBN 9971-77-488-7.
  • M.I. Marcinkowski (tr., ed.),Mirza Rafi‘a's Dastur al-Muluk: A Manual of Later Safavid Administration. Annotated English Translation, Comments on the Offices and Services, and Facsimile of the Unique Persian Manuscript, M. Ismail Marcinkowski, Kuala Lumpur, ISTAC, 2002, ISBN 983-9379-26-7.
  • M.I. Marcinkowski,From Isfahan to Ayutthaya: Contacts between Iran and Siam in the 17th Century, M. Ismail Marcinkowski, Singapore, Pustaka Nasional, 2005, ISBN 9971-77-491-7.
  • Hakim Syed Zillur Rahman, "Safavi Ahad Main Ilm Tashreeh Ka Mutala (a book in Urdu on Studies of History of anatomy during Safavid dynasty), Tibbi Academy, Aligarh, India, 1983, 96 pp.
  • "The Voyages and Travels of the Ambassadors", Adam Olearius, translated by John Davies (1662),

External links